41 pages • 1 hour read
Anand GiridharadasA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Amy Cuddy is a sociologist at Harvard Business School who has studied and written about gender issues, such as discrimination in the workplace. She was selected to speak to a group of business leaders and associates at the PopTech summit. There, instead of talking about “the structural power of men,” she speaks about the more benign topic of body language (94). Cuddy’s ability to translate her studies of gender inequality and related issues into ideas palatable to business leaders had made her a highly sought-after thought leader in the MarketWorld circuit. However, intellectuals in her own field have criticized her for speaking and writing on sociological issues in disingenuous ways, and Cuddy herself admits to feeling as though her academic work may be at odds with her lucrative role as a thought leader. Giridharadas reviews similar cases of other thought leaders, including Brene Brown, Charles Duhigg, Simon Sinek, and Malcom Gladwell.
Giridharadas argues that the rise of MarketWorld has brought about a shift from public intellectuals to thought leaders. Public intellectuals debated ideas and responded to each other in books, media, and other public forums. Thought leaders, Giridharadas contends, are more likely to be associated with TED Talks and similar forums that feature them as a solitary, authoritative voice. In addition, thought leaders tend to “zoom in” on issues and see them from a limited, personal perspective, while intellectuals zoom out, thinking in large systems, structures, and contexts.
Thought leaders like Cuddy, Brene Brown, and Malcom Gladwell develop experience in their respective fields, but when they become attractive to the world of business, their expertise may be compromised. Giridharadas cites examples of how thought leaders have been coached on what to say during speaking engagements, tweaking their potentially serious critiques of social, economic, or political issues into digestible fixes.
Cuddy came to feel as though she were treated as a product rather than a true thought leader. She was selected to teach one of Harvard’s executive education seminars and wanted to talk about issues of sexism and racism. The audience was resistant to the topic and treated her as though she were antagonistic, which she took as a sign that her suspicions were correct.
Chapter 4 deepens the discussion of thought leadership, a concept first touched on in Chapter 3. Giridharadas implies that while thought leaders are treated as though they’re sources of strategies, tools, and methods that can provide wisdom to entrepreneurs and other leaders, they’re highly influenced by MarketWorld’s expectations. Cuddy and other thought leaders admit to watering down their ideas to align with what’s acceptable to elites. For example, Cuddy is known in her field of sociology for developing insightful critiques of gender inequality and related issues. Nevertheless, when she’s selected to speak to a group of elites, she doesn’t talk about a topic like gender inequality in the workplace but instead gives a presentation on how choosing certain body language can increase confidence. Giridharadas’ argument isn’t a critique of Cuddy alone. Instead, he demonstrates that this practice of tailoring ideas to conform to elites’ expectations and comfort zones is widespread. In Chapter 6, for instance, he shows that Darren Walker, CEO of The Ford Foundation, finds himself dulling the edge of his sharp critique of elite philanthropy when speaking to a private equity firm.
Chapter 4 argues that elites have certain taboos—topics which must be avoided—as well as certain expectations about the way in which ideas must be framed. Most significantly, one can’t allude to the existence of inequality, as Cuddy’s sociological work does. Inequality suggests win-lose situations. Since elites favor win-win thinking, the topic of inequality must be avoided, and any idea suggesting inequality must be re-spun as a win-win opportunity. Thus, Cuddy can’t talk to elites about how business culture tends to code certain body language as feminine and view it—and the input of the person showcasing that body language—as inferior. Instead, Cuddy can only say that using certain postures (implicitly accepted as favorable in business culture) will increase confidence.
In addition, Giridharadas argues that elites tend to be more accepting of critical ideas and potential problems when they’re framed in terms of individuals, rather than structures like institutions or socioeconomic classes. Seeing social, economic, or political issues in terms of individuals can help one realize the significance of the issue, but the danger is that this framing will cause one to see the problem in a limited way: only as it affects them, and not the rest of the world, a concept known “Pinkering” the problem (named after psychologist Steven Pinker).
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