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Leslie FeinbergA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Noted American abolitionist Frederick Douglass has had a major impact on Feinberg’s life. Douglass was a steadfast ally to the women’s rights movement at a time when few men were, demonstrating the importance of inter-community solidarity. Transgender people should stand with other oppressed groups to build “solidarity and trust that will forge an invincible movement against all forms of injustice and inequality” (91-92). Similarly, people who are not transgender have a stake in defending trans rights, as all liberation is connected. The lesbian, gay, and bisexual rights movement, for example, is intricately connected with the trans rights movement. The shared histories of these groups have made all LGBT people natural allies.
In the 19th century, German sexologist Magnus Hirschfield published groundbreaking research asserting that sex, gender expression, and sexuality were all different things. Hirschfield concluded that “not all lesbian women and gay men are transgendered and not all transgendered people are lesbian or gay” (95). His work pushed back against the persecution of gay and trans people by describing gay and trans identities as inherent, unchangeable facts about an individual. When the Nazis came to power in the 1930s, it undid years of progress for gay and trans rights. However, it was because of the “German Homosexual Emancipation Movement” that the gay and transgender rights movement became entwined (98).
The second wave of the gay and transgender liberation movement began in the 1960s and 70s, when Feinberg was young. She experienced oppression based on the apparent disconnect between her gender expression and her assigned sex. Feinberg believes that it is no coincidence that the 1969 Stonewall Uprising was led not by gender-conforming gay people (contrary to popular belief) but by “gender outlaws” who fought against police violence. Now, in the decades following Stonewall, the gay and lesbian movement has made progress, and there is a developing transgender rights movement. Solidarity between the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender communities (which have a lot of overlap among them) is crucial for collective liberation.
When a journalist asks Feinberg if she identifies as male or female, she responds that she identifies as transgender. What defines her is “the fact that [her] gender expression appears to be at odds with [her] sex” (101). Many people struggle to understand that gender and sex are social constructs that have changed over time. In a truly liberated society, masculinity cannot be valued over femininity, and everyone must have complete freedom to develop a masculine, feminine, or androgynous gender expression. The transgender rights movement looks to ensure that people are able to change their sex if they want to. Intersex people should not have their sex decided for them by a doctor or their parents when they are born; they should be allowed to make informed decisions about their sex organs when they are older. There should be no requirement for babies to be categorized as either male or female. Feinberg believes that even those who do not want to change their sex should be allowed to take hormones or obtain surgery to shape their bodies according to their desires. She sees this as no different than getting tattoos, piercings, or liposuction; all these modifications are expressions of bodily autonomy, which is central to the trans rights movement impacts everyone.
Feinberg has battled both misogyny and transgender oppression her whole life; the two issues are connected. The trans rights movement has raised questions about how to define the category of “woman.” Any rigid definition will likely exclude some women. Biological definitions exclude trans and intersex women, rationalizing “racism and sexism, the partitioning of the sexes, and behavior modification to make gender expression fit bodies” (111). Defining women as those who perform childcare duties is similarly reductive; even in ancient societies, there is evidence that childrearing was often a collective task. There are also accounts of female hunters and male gatherers in hunter-gatherer societies, suggesting that labor divisions and sex categories were not always rigid.
Defining women by their common oppression is also insufficient; it is not only women who experience “the horrors of rape, incest, sexual humiliation, and brutality” (113). Feinberg believes that all people who experience gender and sex oppression should be included in the fight for women’s liberation, as their oppression is interconnected. She argues that transphobia creates “a fear of changing sex” (116), which negatively impacts all women; for example, transphobia means that butch cisgender women are unsafe in women’s bathrooms, just like transgender women, and this leads Feinberg to argue that safe, clean, individual bathrooms could help resolve this issue. Instead of trying to pin down a single definition, it is more productive to leave womanhood open to self-identification. That way, all those who want to be included can work together for collective liberation. Feinberg sees the women’s and trans liberation movements as having overlapping goals and members. She believes that the “combined power of women, trans people, and […] allies could give rise to a powerful Sex and Gender Liberation movement!” (119). This chapter concludes with a resolution to support transgender lives and identities, passed by the New Jersey National Organization for Women in 1994.
The nascent transgender liberation movement is a sign that all oppressed people have a new and powerful opportunity to stand in solidarity with one another. Some people claim that nothing ever changes, but that is not true: It is possible for people to create meaningful change in the world. Anti-trans sentiments are not inherent to human cultures, a point that Feinberg demonstrates through the use of historical examples. Feinberg hopes that if people were able to stop competing against each other for endless profits, they could be more tolerant of gender variance. To work toward a better world, Feinberg advocates for widespread movements of solidarity, not just among transgender people but among all people who struggle to thrive under a capitalist system. Transgender people also need civil rights, including recourse against discrimination, access to gender-neutral public bathrooms, and access to gender-affirming healthcare. Students should learn transgender history in schools, and ID papers should no longer have gender or sex markers on them. People will have to fight for these rights, just like activists fought against Jim Crow laws and fought for women’s liberation.
Feinberg acknowledges that a lot of people reject her views out of hand and label her a communist. She accepts the label and stands firm in her political beliefs, drawing connections between her own politics and the anti-gay, anti-communist fearmongering of the McCarthy era. The transgender rights movement is joining a long legacy of radical political organizing. Gender liberation is fundamentally tied to economic and social liberation of all kinds. “Transgender warriors” will be “the leadership of the struggle to usher in the dawn of liberation” (128).
In these chapters, Feinberg explores shifting understandings of Transgender Identities Throughout History. Prior to Magnus Hirschfield’s work, trans and gay identities were not widely understood to be different things. Trans women were considered gay men, while trans men were considered lesbians. It was also common for people to assume that gay and trans identities were inherently pathological. Hirschfield helped separate and legitimize these identities as a neutral form of variation among humans. Despite his efforts, LGBT identities were still considered pathological into the 21st century; the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) did not fully remove all language describing sexual orientation and gender identity in pathologizing terms until the publication of the fifth edition in 2013. Today, though it is possible to be both gay and transgender, trans and gay identities are generally understood to be distinct.
In keeping with her emphasis on solidarity and the interconnection of oppressed groups, Feinberg argues that the issue of Sex and Gender Self-Determination is not limited to transgender people: It is an issue of bodily autonomy that impacts everyone. Trans people have fought for the right to wear clothing that matches their gender expression; cisgender people make clothing choices that help them feel comfortable in their gender expression every day, and those choices should not be legally curtailed for anyone. Trans people fight for medical procedures that help them feel more comfortable in their bodies; cisgender people often pursue cosmetic surgeries to allow them to shape their appearance to suit their preferences. If a trans woman wears makeup because she wants her features to look more feminine, she might face criticism, though cisgender women also use makeup to create the appearance of bigger eyes and fuller lips. Everyone benefits from being free to make their own decisions about their appearance, and trans people are at the forefront of that fight. By emphasizing this point, Feinberg helps to demonstrate that the trans rights movement does not represent a “special interest group” but rather advocates for social and political changes that serve everyone.
In contrast to the gender identity system that Feinberg argues is derived from a system of power in favor of the ruling class, Feinberg suggests that the best way to define who is or who is not a woman is to allow people to self-identify. This system operates under the assumption that each person is an expert in their own identity. Anyone (cis or trans) who has ever been mistaken for another gender will likely understand how frustrating and alienating it can be for someone to prioritize their assumptions over someone else’s own identity. Self-determination also makes it easier to develop Political Solidarity and Action within the trans rights movement. Feinberg notes her desire for the trans rights movement to ally with the gay and bisexual rights movements. And in recent years, her wish has come true: The LGBT community and LGBT rights movement have coalesced over the last few decades, with members of the community and their allies standing up for each other. Feinberg’s desire for cooperation between these groups is rooted in her philosophy of solidarity; this cooperation matters because it is essential that oppressed groups unite in their fight for liberation.
Although Transgender Warriors was written in the 1990s, it remains relevant to the trans rights movement in its modern-day form. Feinberg notes that anti-trans sentiments make it unsafe for some trans women to use women’s bathrooms. It is equally unsafe for them to use men’s bathrooms; no matter where they go, they risk scrutiny and violence. The same is true for butch and gender-nonconforming cisgender women who are sometimes mistaken for men. Trans and gender-nonconforming men face similar issues in bathrooms. Today, bathroom access is a major issue in the trans rights movement. Several states in the US have passed laws forcing trans people to use the bathroom that is consistent with their assigned sex at birth (“Bans on Transgender People Using Bathrooms According to their Gender Identity,” Movement Advancement Project, 2024). Even more states have laws that restrict or ban access to gender-affirming healthcare for trans youth (“Bans on Best Practice Medical Care for Transgender Youth,” Movement Advancement Project, 2024), even though this access can be life-saving (“Gender-Affirming Care Saves Lives,” Columbia University Department of Psychiatry, March 30, 2022). The trans rights movement is growing, but many of the concerns raised by Feinberg in her book still persist.