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47 pages 1 hour read

Leslie Feinberg

Transgender Warriors

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1996

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Part 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3, Chapter 9 Summary: “‘Holy War’ Against Trans People”

Feinberg traces the oppression of transgender expression to the development of feudalism in Europe. Christian laws linked gender variance to witchcraft and outlawed cross-dressing, though there is also evidence of about “twenty-five female saints who cross-dressed, lived as men, or wore full beards” (68). The existence of these transgender saints demonstrates that ancient beliefs about gender persisted despite the spread of Christianity. Joan of Arc was not revered as one of these cross-dressing saints, however, because the charges against her were political; she could not be allowed to continue because she represented the peasants in the class war against the French nobility. There were no male-to-female saints in Christianity; the definition of “man” was too rigid to allow them to become women. 

As Christianity spread throughout Europe, transgender expression was prohibited in festivals that had previously allowed cross-dressing, such as Halloween and Winter Solstice celebrations. When the Holy Inquisition began in 1233, countless people, usually peasant women, were accused of witchcraft and were thought to have the power to change their sex. Anyone who threatened the power of the ruling class was targeted with accusations of witchcraft, which became a tool to quell peasant uprisings. Feinberg reads about peasant rebels who cross-dressed during these uprisings, but is frustrated to find no further elaboration on the topic.

Part 3, Chapter 10 Summary: “Leading the Charge”

Feinberg does more research and learns about a group of Welsh peasant rebels called “Rebecca and her daughters.” These were male peasant farmers who dressed as women and destroyed toll roads that had been imposed upon their land by the English in the 1800s. Feinberg points out that these people were not simply wearing women’s clothing; they were exhibiting cross-gender behavior by “assuming the names, identities, and familial relationships of another sex” (75). Often, this cross-gender behavior did not only occur during uprisings, but throughout an individual’s life. They often participated in the Abbey of Misrule, a festival organized by unmarried men to mock the ruling powers. These events were approved by the church or crown, but were known to transform into real rebellions if political satire became too overt. Some historians are quick to dismiss the cross-dressing of rebels like Rebecca and her daughters, stating that they were merely wearing costumes. Feinberg rejects this interpretation, arguing that women's clothes are not easy to fight in, nor are they effective disguises.

There are many examples of transgender expression among rebellion leaders, especially in anti-colonial struggles in Ireland. Transgender expression, especially in the peasant class, was not always hated and was often used as a tool in the fight for liberation. Despite countless bans on cross-dressing, events like Halloween, Mardi Gras, and Mummer’s parades persist, all of which involve elements of transgender expression. The Rebeccas and others like them most likely would not have thought of themselves “in the same way as modern-day drag queens or transsexuals or heterosexual crossdressers do,” but they (81), like Feinberg, were oppressed and outlawed for their actions. Feinberg looks to them as examples of trans leadership in history that she wishes she had grown up knowing about.

Part 3, Chapter 11 Summary: “Not Just Passing”

There are many examples of people throughout history who, like Feinberg, have passed as another sex or gender. Some people assume that Feinberg passes as a man to escape misogyny, as though her gender expression would cease to exist in a more equitable world. People make similar arguments about the jazz musician Billy Tipton, who, upon his death in 1989, was discovered to have been born female. Many argue that he lived as a man in order to pursue a career as a musician, which he could not easily do as a woman, or to escape oppression for his sexuality. 

Feinberg argues that any woman can wear men’s clothes and pass as a man for a while, but to pass for decades or an entire lifetime requires an intrinsic masculine gender expression, not just a desire to escape misogyny. Furthermore, if the goal of passing as a man was to escape gender-based oppression, then there would be no examples of men passing as women, which there are. English men who dressed as women (who might today be considered trans women) risked being “dragged in an open cart through streets filled with a hostile mob to be publicly hanged” in the 1700s (87), but nevertheless, groups of such people, called “mollies,” persisted and organized underground societies where they could be themselves. They were frequently raided by the police but fought back. Similar transgender societies and gatherings existed across Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries.

The existence of female-to-male and male-to-female gender expression is evidence that these people were not merely wearing the clothes of the opposite sex to escape oppression. Transgender people have always existed and have risked persecution and hatred to live their lives. Feinberg imagines a world in which people do not have to hide their transgender expression, but are able to live openly and proudly, with the same rights as all other people. Feinberg does not see herself as the product of oppression. Rather, the act of passing, “having to hide [her] identity in fear, in order to live” is the product of oppression (89).

Part 3 Analysis

Feinberg discusses a piece of Welsh history: the Rebecca riots. These protests happened intermittently from 1839 to 1843, during a time when grinding poverty and high taxes made it difficult for farmers to make a living. When the ruling classes finally suppressed the riots, they sentenced some of the protestors to transportation, which meant that they were permanently exiled to a colony (usually Australia). These protestors raise interesting questions about Transgender Identities Throughout History. As Feinberg notes, the people involved in the Rebecca riots might not have considered themselves to be trans women in the modern sense, but it is equally true that they might not have seen themselves as men dressed as women. A lot of details about these people have been lost to history. How these individuals understood their identities might not have aligned with contemporary language. 

The same questions might be asked about the gender-nonconforming saints that Feinberg mentions. These saints provide another link between transgender history and the divine. In many historical examples of Sex and Gender Self-Determination, there is a lack of distinction between what might now be understood as transgender or non-binary identities. There are many ways for people to understand themselves, and many of those identities are heavily informed by culture, history, politics, and religion. Some of the words people used to describe themselves have shifted over time, and some may have been lost. Even today, people in different cultures and even people of different ages have highly variable ways of discussing and describing their experiences of gender, as evidenced by the variability among Indigenous people who describe themselves as Two-Spirit.

Feinberg raises an interesting point when she describes her gender expression as separate from oppression. Her masculine gender expression is part of her; it is not an attempt to avoid experiencing misogyny. In fact, this is still a common transphobic argument today: Some people suggest that when people transition to become men, they are just trying to opt out of sexist oppression. The corollary to this argument is that people who transition to become women are doing so in an attempt to invade women’s spaces. Feinberg’s text is an important rebuttal against this argument: Passing as another sex or gender can be a dangerous way to live because there is always a risk of experiencing transphobic violence for anyone whose transgender identity is discovered. Being transgender is by no means an easy shortcut out of oppression; it is a way for people to be true to themselves.

The Rebecca riots demonstrate that in the past, just like today, gender variance was closely linked to Political Solidarity and Action. Feinberg contends that anything that breaks down barriers between groups of people is inherently political. Breaking barriers gives working-class people a new source of power to fight for their rights against the ruling classes. By arguing that transgender expression is condemned because it disrupts the gender norms that are ingrained in a society built to protect the interests of the ruling class, Feinberg ties her notion of political solidarity to Marxist theories of class struggle. Anti-trans rhetoric constructs transgender people as deviant or weak in an attempt to mitigate the power inherent in disrupting these norms. Feinberg rejects narratives that say that people identify as trans in order to make their everyday experiences easier. In reality, it takes a great deal of strength and confidence to pursue gender transition or to be visibly gender nonconforming in public. Transgender, non-binary, and gender-nonconforming people often risk legal persecution, social ostracism, and violence. When trans, non-binary, and gender-nonconforming people exist openly in the world, they send the message that the strict categories that keep people divided are not actually inherent in human societies. There are other ways to live, and it is possible to create a society where everyone can be free.

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