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47 pages 1 hour read

Leslie Feinberg

Transgender Warriors

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1996

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Our Sacred Past”

In 1976, Feinberg read a pamphlet by Bob McCubbin about gay and lesbian history. The pamphlet contained information about evidence of transgender people throughout history. It was the first time that Feinberg saw people like herself reflected in history, and she decided to do more research. She learned about prehistoric matrilineal societies and found evidence of transgender priestesses in “the Middle East, Northern Africa, Europe and western Asia” who worshiped different forms of a Mother Goddess (40). The goddess herself was often depicted as having both male and female sex characteristics. Feinberg highlights the significance of goddess worship in communal societies and points out that “[w]omen didn’t rule over men, the way men dominate women in a patriarchal society” (42). This meant that societies were structured more equitably and therefore had more room for variance in sex and gender expression. 

Feinberg asserts that the division of sex and gender into two binary categories (male and female) is a modern, Western idea. In matrilineal societies, Feinberg finds evidence of “sex-change, transgender, and intersexuality” (43). She acknowledges that it is not possible to assign the same labels to ancient people that are used today but nevertheless notes remarkable similarities in the experiences of ancient and modern transgender people. In many parts of the world, transgender people were (and still are) shamans or spiritual leaders. When societies become more patriarchal, these trans spiritual leaders are replaced with non-trans shamans. Colonialism also plays a role in the marginalization of transgender identities. This research proves to Feinberg that transgender people were not always so hated; once, they were revered as sacred people in societies across the world.

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Why Bigotry Began”

Feinberg finds the earliest written record of edicts against gender nonconformity in Deuteronomy, the fifth book of the Torah and of the Old Testament. This troubles her; as a Jewish person, she does not want her people to be responsible for bigotry against transgender people. Through her research, she learns that it was not religion but the accumulation of wealth that led to bigotry. As ancient Hebrew societies developed wealth through agriculture, trade, and animal farming, class divisions widened, and their laws began to reflect the interests of the upper class. Laws forbidding cross-dressing created more rigid distinctions between men and women, allowing the wealthy to develop a more structured society and thus protect their wealth. The development of social class changed the ways societies passed on wealth; men now passed inheritances to their sons or male heirs, driving the impetus to strictly define who could be considered “male.” 

Over time, societies moved away from communalism “in which labor was voluntary and collective” and toward “unequal societies in which those who owned wealth forced others to work for them—an enforced social relationship of masters and slaves” (52). As slave classes were created, it became necessary to justify slavery; one of the ways this was done was to dehumanize certain groups of people, usually along racial, national, ethnic, religious, or gendered divides. Once dehumanized, it could be argued that a particular group deserved to be enslaved because they were “less human” than the enslavers. In order for the wealthy to remain wealthy, they relied on the labor or slave classes to produce their wealth. In order to control the labor class, people had to be pitted against one another through bigotry. To Feinberg, the root cause of bigotry against women and gay and transgender people is not Judaism but rather “the rise of patriarchal class divisions” (53).

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “But They Had Slaves!”

Feinberg recalls being confused when she learned about the ancient Greeks in school. Ancient Greek democracy was supposedly “the highest expression of ancient civilization” (55), but the Greeks enslaved people. Greek city-states of the eighth to sixth centuries BCE were built on “slave, plunder, and trade” that moved their societies further away from matrilineal communalism and degraded the statuses of women and gay and transgender people (55). Despite this, transgender expression that arose from ancient rituals persisted; Greek mythology is full of examples of sex changes, intersexuality, and cross-dressing. The Amazons, most famously depicted as female warriors, were also depicted as androgynous in some Greek sources. Feinberg is struck by how so much of history is told only from the perspective of men and women, “without taking transgender, bigender, transsexuality, or intersexuality into account” (59).

Part 2, Chapter 8 Summary: “Natural Becomes ‘Unnatural’”

Feinberg describes herself as a “gender outlaw” (61). She has been arrested many times for her gender expression. Since she is often read as a man, it is safer for her to have a driver’s license where her sex is marked M instead of F. She is frustrated that those are the only two options, as she does not fit neatly into either category. She does not have a passport for this reason. She opposes the inclusion of sex markers on government documents and identification: Forcing people to choose M or F means that those who do not fit into either category are further policed and harassed. Race used to be a required category on legal documents, but through protests and legal battles, it was removed. So too was the separation between “male” and “female” jobs. If these distinctions can be removed, Feinberg argues, so can sex or gender markers on documents. 

Feinberg traces the widening of sex distinctions in Roman society. Women were disenfranchised, and only men who owned property held power. Heterosexual families, headed by a father, became the “correct” family structure, as they ensured that men could pass on wealth to their sons. The boundaries between men and women became rigid; just as an enslaved person could not become free, a woman could not become a man. Gods like Dionysus, who was associated with cross-dressing and gender nonconformity, were suppressed; Dionysus’s ritual, the bacchanalia, was outlawed. Those who still participated in this ritual, most of whom were from the lower classes, were arrested. Fear and hatred of same-sex desire and transgender expression was used as a tool to discredit and attack politicians for political gain. When people protested and fought back, they were often killed. Despite harsh consequences, gender nonconformity persisted in ancient Rome, just as it does today.

Part 2 Analysis

Once again, Feinberg bases much of her thesis on the argument that pre-agricultural human societies were communal, matriarchal, and very accepting of gender nonconformity. This is not an argument that can be made about hunter-gatherer societies across the board, though it is true that there is evidence of various gender systems in some of these cultures. Even if the historical claim might not be fully supported with evidence, Feinberg’s argument still has merit. Hunter-gatherer societies might not have been gender utopias, but a society that accepts and uplifts gender variance still constitutes a deviation from strict gender norms common in the modern world. More importantly, it demonstrates something that contemporary societies can build toward, especially with the help of the growing trans rights movement.

When Feinberg looks at Transgender Identities Throughout History, she finds many examples of priestesses, shamans, deities, and warriors. Instead of looking to the past and finding only examples of anti-trans bigotry and repression, Feinberg sees transgender people being revered for their strength and divinity. This marks quite a difference from the very anti-trans world in which Feinberg grew up. Part of what makes Transgender Warriors such a seminal text for the trans rights movement, particularly for young trans people, is that it offers a more hopeful and more inclusive view of what it means to be transgender. In the 20th century, and still today, it can be difficult for young LGBT people to see themselves reflected positively in history and media. There are a lot of stories about how difficult and tragic it is to be gay or trans, and while those stories are important to tell, they can be discouraging. By highlighting examples of gender-expansive societies in history, Feinberg’s text paints a more optimistic picture, showing that the current way of the world is not the only option.

Feinberg views Sex and Gender Self-Determination as both necessary and highly political. The social constructions of sex and gender, and the oppressions that those constructions justify, are not immutable. Transgender identities have historically been repressed primarily for political gain, as demonstrated by Feinberg’s analysis of ancient Greek and Roman societies. Self-determination is inherently radical because it flies in the face of class distinctions. It is easy to see just how radical self-determination is by considering Feinberg’s driver’s license. Filling out M on the form is a calculated risk. Most people in public read Feinberg as a man, so it is safer for her to play into that expectation if she gets pulled over in a traffic stop. However, as a transgender person, Feinberg is always running the risk that someone might question her identity, which could put her in danger of bigotry and abuse.

Feinberg continually draws her claims about trans people back to the importance of Political Solidarity and Action. While Feinberg is acutely aware that, as a trans person, how people perceive her can be a matter of safety, the same is actually true of some cisgender people, too. Gender is a complex interplay between an individual’s sex/gender assignment, their gender expression and identity, and the way that people perceive them. This is significant because it demonstrates that anti-trans discrimination is an issue that impacts everyone. Feinberg understands the barriers between gender and sex categories as just a few examples of the ways that the ruling classes are able to create and maintain barriers between groups of working-class people. This shores up the power of the ruling classes, since it prompts working-class groups to fight among themselves rather than against those in power. Feinberg therefore advocates clearly for an understanding of the trans rights movement that centers solidarity with other groups, because she believes—based on both her historical research and her personal experiences—that liberation for trans people are essentially linked to the liberation of all oppressed people.

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