49 pages • 1 hour read
William J. Lederer, Eugene BurdickA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Louis Sears, the American Ambassador to Sarkhan, studies a cartoon in the Sarkhan Eastern Star. He believes the cartoon is a caricature of him. It shows a short, fat, American man leading a thin Sarkhanese man toward a sign that says “Coca Cola” (2) with a tether around his neck. Under the American in the cartoon is the word “Lucky” (2). “Lucky, Lucky Louis” was his nickname while he served as an American senator. When he lost his seat after three terms, the government appointed him as the ambassador to Sarkhan, a small country “out toward Burma and Thailand” (4). The cartoons mocking his weight started soon after his arrival.
Margaret Johnson, the press attaché at the embassy, tells Sears that a powdered milk delivery man named John Colvin has suffered a severe beaten. The attackers left his body on the steps on the embassy the previous night with a note saying he has been molesting Sarkhanese girls. Sears agrees to see Colvin at the hospital but does not think the situation is serious enough to harm him politically.
Colvin wakes in the hospital and remembers what happened to him. He reminisces about his earlier experiences in the war. During eight months in Sarkhan fighting the Japanese, he grew close with a man named Deong. They fought together, and Colvin taught Deong about the product Ipecac—an antiemetic that induces violent vomiting if one consumes too much. He and Deong use Ipecac to sabotage the food of a Japanese camp, allowing them to take the camp without fighting. After the liberation of Sarkhan, Colvin returned to America where he began running his family’s powdered milk business. In 1952, he heard reports that Sarkhan was beginning to embrace communism, prompting an American response. He returns to Sarkhan and opens a milk distribution center. Colvin’s goal is to provide fresh milk for the people and teach them how to produce milk themselves. He plans to leave one year later after milk cows arrive from Texas. He will be able to profit off his idea and aid the Sarkhanese people.
Deong appears and points a gun at Colvin, then tells him to load a large quantity of Ipecac into the milk mixer, which will then sicken the people waiting in line for milk outside. He tells Colvin that his milk idea is good, but “you’re the wrong person to be permitted to do it. If it succeeded, the Sarkhanese would believe that America was their savior” (14). Deong believes the Communists will win the conflict in Sarkhan and is aligning himself with the eventual victors.
Colvin punches Deong, and they fight. Deong shoots him in the arm with his pistol. When the doors open, the women waiting outside see the two men on the ground. Deong accuses Colvin of trying to put an aphrodisiac called “cocol” (16) in the milk. The Sarkhanese are afraid of the potency of the cocol and believe that it meant Colvin was trying to make it easier for American soldiers to seduce Sarkhanese women. The women beat Colvin until he is unconscious, then leave his naked body on the embassy steps with a note. The note says that Colvin is an American rapist and that the same thing will happen to other Americans who consort with Sarkhanese girls.
Sears interviews Prince Ngong about the cartoons. The prince admits that the Eastern Star is critical of America’s presence in Sarkhan and reminds him that they do not want to interfere with a free press, as a democratic country. Prince Ngong meets with the Sarkhanese Cabinet that afternoon to discuss Sarkhan’s desires: The citizens want independence but without being colonized. He suggests that the Eastern Star run a flattering cartoon of Sears to make him more charitable toward their requests.
Sears visits Colvin in the hospital. He tells Colvin that he will be returned to the United States to avoid bad publicity for America’s presence in Sarkhan. Colvin says he will not go.
Krupitzyn remembers the day soldiers in Russia shot and killed his parents, who received accusations of being dissidents. Later, he becomes a formidable academic whose essay, “The Dynamics of Soviet Dialectics” (23), wins a prestigious literary prize. Some of his colleagues give him the nickname “Lucky” (23).
In 1935, Krupitzyn moves to New York to serve as a chauffeur to a diplomat. In 1945, he is assigned to observe the staff of Mao Tse-tung. After three years in China, he returns to Moscow and marries a woman named Nada Kolosoff. In 1949, he is assigned to be the Soviet Ambassador in Sarkhan. He and Nada prepare for the new position by learning the Sarkhanese language, customs, and by studying Buddhism, the predominant religion. After arriving in Sarkhan, he visits the monastery and speaks with the “Grand Leader” (26) of the Buddhists. They share an interest in philosophy and have a lengthy discussion.
The year that Krupitzyn arrives, Sarkhan experiences a famine. After learning that the Americans will deliver 14,000 tons of rice for relief two days later, Krupitzyn buys five tons of black-market rice and delivers it to the areas of Sarkhan that are suffering the most. He promises that more will arrive in two days. He arranges for a bag checker to stencil “This rice is a gift from Russia” (28) on every bag of rice as it is removed from the American trucks. The Russians take credit for the 14,000 tons of rice. A week later, Sears learns of the incident and condemns the actions of the Russians.
One month later, Krupitzyn writes a report to Moscow. He states that the uncouthness and incompetence of Sears almost makes him an ally to the Russians, given that he is so inept in handling the Sarkhanese. Krupitzyn is worried that the American government will begin to see Sears as a liability and remove him, particularly given the cartoons about him in the papers. He reports that he will instruct the editors to run favorable coverage of Sears for the immediate future. He closes the reports asking for information about a Catholic priest named Finian. The priest is working in one of their Sarkhanese provinces, and Krupitzyn is worried that he is involved in a papist plot against the Russians.
Finian recalls his experience as a Navy chaplain. During the war, he spoke with a group of Marines and told them that God would bless their campaign. A young Marine spat on the ground in front of Finian and said there was no God: He reiterated that he was fighting as a Communist “because Communism is worth it” (33). Although Finian believed that the boy dedicated himself to an evil cause, he also saw him as “older, wiser, infinitely tougher” (34) than any man he had ever met.
After the experience with the young Marine, Finian begins studying Communist literature. He compares the zeal of Communists to that of the devout religious for their faith. By the end of his studies, “Father Finian knew that Communism was the face of the devil” (35). When he transfers to Burma, he is excited because he believes that his purpose lies in the fight in Sarkhan.
Finian meets with the Archbishop of Mokthu and tells him he would like to be stationed in the country for a few months. The jungle beyond Mokthu is hostile and thick, and the Archbishop reminds him that it is dangerous, but he says he will help him. Finian gives himself three tasks to prepare himself: He must learn the native language, find a native Catholic to help him with his work, and accustom himself to the native food, which will lead to several weeks of dysentery.
Five weeks later, Finian has accomplished his tasks. His Catholic helper is a devout man named U Tien. U Tien agrees to help Finian determine who among the Catholics are spies. U Tien gives him their names within a week. Finian and U Tien meet with eight Burmans who U Tien says will be loyal to their work. Finian asks them to describe their goal and says he will agree with the group’s decision. After a lengthy discussion, they agree that “[t]he important thing, the big thing, is a country where any man may worship and live as he wishes” (43). Finian tells them that the reason they are not free is because they allow the Communists to deny them power. They agree to meet the next day to read what the Communists say about their doctrines, and the meeting ends.
The next day, they propose to gather intelligence on the local Communists. For two weeks, they compile a report on the extent of Communist activity in the surrounding towns. They agree that Communist propaganda relies on “the two themes of the evil of the Western white man and the love of the Communists for the common people” (47).
They publish a small newspaper called The Communist Farmer on Finian’s ditto machine. Each issue features an article by a famous Communist. An article by Stalin justifies his slaughter of peasants in order to support collective agriculture. A piece by Marx mocks the stupidity of working peasants. Because eminent Communists wrote the pieces, the peasant readers see them as emblematic of the Communist Party’s views and are confused as to why they are being mocked.
Local Communist leaders try to suppress the paper, which increases its popularity. As Finian hopes, “[t]he Communists slowly became buffoons in the eyes of the local Burmans” (49). Finian’s plan works better than he would have predicted, and he looks forward to accomplishing the same work in other provinces, such as Sarkhan.
Ruth Jyoti is the editor and publisher of the Setkya Daily Herald, “one of the finest independent papers in Southeast Asia” (54). Ruth documented and published the account of Finian’s work after she spent a month in Burma researching the story.
In 1952, she goes to America for three months to learn about the press in the United States. In San Francisco, she reads several newspapers and is surprised to find that none of them are reporting an important conference in Setkya that will have profound effects on America’s relations with Asia.
She meets with Joseph Rivers of the American State Department. He asks her if she knows Joe Bing, a newspaperman whom he claims is beloved by everyone. Ruth says that she can’t stand Joe Bing and that neither can most of the Asians. Rivers is stunned by her comments and insists that everyone loves Joe Bing.
Two nights later, Ruth gives a talk at a San Francisco press dinner on the inefficacy of Americans in Asia and their inability to act diplomatically or respectfully. She tells them about Bob Maile, the most effective American she has seen. Maile learned the language and customs, and he made friends with anyone he could speak with. He tried to help fix whatever inconveniences in the lives of the locals he could. She believes that it is Bob’s refusal to brag about his accomplishments that makes him “the best known American in [her] country” (61). Ruth says that if there were more Americans like Bob, the Communists would not last long in Asia.
Chapters 1 through 4 introduce several of the main characters of the novel and sketch out the political and military realities of the American presence in Southeast Asia. The fictional country of Sarkhan is a substitute for Vietnam. The character of Sears is a symbol of everything that the Sarkhanese—or the Vietnamese—resent about the Americans who profess to be in the country to help them.
The Eastern Star’s caricature of Sears depicts a greedy, corpulent man who pays lip service to helping Sarkhan, while enriching himself. The Coca-Cola logo that appears in the cartoon marks Sears as a bureaucrat whose efforts the Western corporations finance. The cartoon also introduces the importance of propaganda between Russia and America as they try to win or maintain their influence over the people of Sarkhan. Throughout the novel, the newspapers and radio programs will be another battlefield. However, Sears sees the cartoon primarily as a personal insult. The implications of a prominent newspaper mocking his status as a capitalist do not matter to him as much as the depiction of his weight and coarseness. As the chapter ends, he announces his intentions to manipulate the editors into treating him more favorably. His Russian counterpoint Krupitzyn does the same thing in Chapter 2, manipulating the papers into flattering Sears so that he will remain in the country. These blatant efforts to influence the tone of journalism make it an absurd pretense that the Russians or Americans are there to help the Sarkhanese. They do not even allow the Sarkhanese to read what reporters deem newsworthy in the papers. Rather, they read the skewed versions of stories that are the products of propaganda strategies.
The beating of Colvin and his conflict with his former friend Deong move the book into less satirical, more serious themes. Colvin is the first American that the reader is introduced to who is not presented as a joke or a subject of revulsion. Colvin wants to help the Sarkhanese. His milk venture will improve the quality of life in Sarkhan as well as provide the people with a self-sustaining system that will increase their health and benefit their economy for future generations. Deong knows this, but as a Communist, he would rather that the Sarkhanese—his people—miss the health benefits of the milk venture than permit them to give credit to an American for solving a problem. When Deong says, “[Y]ou’re the wrong person to be permitted to do it. If it succeeded, the Sarkhanese would believe that America was their savior” (14), he is speaking as an ideologue.
The most committed Communists in the book are willing to die for the system of ideas comprising Communism. The Americans are rarely presented as fighting for Capitalism—even though they use Capitalism for their own gain—but only against Communism. Colvin nearly dies, but Sears treats the news, and the man, as a political and public relations inconvenience. He is an “ugly American” who thinks only of himself.
Chapter 3 extends the discussion of propaganda in the war. Finian is perhaps the most committed anti-Communist in the novel; he believes that “Communism was the face of the devil” (35). The war has a moral component for Finian; he wants to eradicate Communism because it is evil. His struggles in Burma are part of what he considers a religious war, which he demonstrates through his commitment. Finian weighs his choices against their usefulness is fighting Communism. When he asks to go into the jungle, he exposes himself to painful, debilitating dysentery just to accustom himself to the food and water he will have to drink in the wilderness. He is willing to suffer for the cause.
The authors use Finian to introduce the racial dynamics between the Asians and the white men. After gathering his small group of loyal spies, Finian gains their loyalty by showing them that, even though he is white, they can trust him. The Burman men have never made decisions that white men intended to follow. When Finian says he will support their decision, no matter what it is, they are able to speak honestly and openly about their views.
Finian’s strategy of using the writings of the Communists against them helps show the information gap between what the Communists told the natives and what was true. From the pens of the most eminent Communists came condemnations of the peasants, who they mock as backwards, illiterate, and underserving of a voice in decision-making. Russians such as Krupitzyn constantly reinforce “the two themes of the evil of the Western white man and the love of the Communists for the common people” (47). However, even the peasants know that they should take the word of a Communist such as Marx or Lenin over those of Krupitzyn and the modern crop of Communists telling them what to think. Finian shows the people that the Communists think less of them than the propagandists would have them believe. Finian’s ability to gain the loyalty of the natives will be echoed in the later successes of the Ragtime Kid and Homer Atkins.
In Chapter 4, Ruth Jyoti reinforces the idea of loyalty and success with the story of Maile, whom she describes as “the best known American in [her] country” (61). She attributes his success to his diligence in learning the local customs and language, and to his refusal to brag about himself. Jyoti tries to convince Rivers that men such as Joe Bing—whom Rivers claims is beloved by all Asians—are unhelpful and disliked because they have no humility and make no sacrifices for the people they claim to want to help. When Jyoti says that Communism would not last long if there were more Americans like Maile in Asia, it is an indictment of the poor American military strategy and its insistence on focusing on large goals, while ignoring the small successes that have the greatest results in the novel.