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Daniel YerginA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Although World War I was initially expected to be brief, it became a protracted conflict in which the extensive use of modern advancements such as oil and the internal combustion engine utterly revolutionized warfare. At the war’s onset, nations were ill-prepared for the scale of mechanized combat, but it quickly became clear that oil was crucial to this new landscape. Initially, horses dominated military logistics, but their limitations soon became evident. For example, during the First Battle of the Marne in 1914, the French used thousands of Paris taxis to transport troops, and this move highlighted the strategic value of motorized transport. This improvisation helped to prevent Paris from falling to the Germans and marked oil’s emerging role in warfare.
The static nature of trench warfare necessitated innovations like the tank. This invention was conceived by British Colonel Ernest Swinton and championed by Winston Churchill. Tanks first saw limited use in 1916 but proved decisive in the Battle of Amiens in 1918, breaking German lines and shifting the momentum of the war. The internal combustion engine also transformed air warfare. Initially used for reconnaissance, aircraft quickly evolved to include fighters and bombers. By the war’s end, aviation had become integral to military strategy, significantly impacting battlefield dynamics.
At sea, the oil-powered ships advocated by Churchill and Admiral Fisher provided the British fleet with greater speed and range. The Royal Navy’s reliance on oil gave it a strategic edge over Germany’s predominantly coal-powered fleet, despite the latter’s early successes in submarine warfare. Thus, securing oil supplies became critical. Britain’s investment in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company ensured a steady supply, despite initial challenges. The company’s oil production increased significantly, meeting a substantial portion of the Royal Navy’s needs by 1916.
Meanwhile, Germany faced severe oil shortages, which were exacerbated by the Allied blockade and the destruction of Romanian oil fields the British sabotage efforts of John Norton-Griffiths. The capture of Baku by the Turks denied Germany access to its oil and further strained German resources. By the war’s end, oil had proven indispensable to military strategy. As British and French leaders acknowledged, oil was the very lifeblood of victory. After the war, the importance of oil for industry and military power became undeniable, setting the stage for the fuel’s central role in global geopolitics.
After World War I, French Premier Georges Clemenceau and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George discussed the future of Mesopotamia, a region under the defunct Ottoman Empire, now seen as a potential oil-rich area. Britain aimed to dominate Mesopotamia, including Mosul, despite the fact that France had claims there. The nations agreed that France would control Syria in exchange for a share of Mosul’s oil, and these negotiations initiated a larger, multinational struggle for Middle Eastern oil.
Before the war, the Turkish Petroleum Company (TPC) was formed with shares held by Deutsche Bank, Royal Dutch/Shell, and the British-controlled Turkish National Bank. The key architect of this deal was Calouste Gulbenkian, an Armenian businessman with a deep understanding of the region’s oil potential. Known as “Mr. Five Percent,” Gulbenkian held a significant silent stake in TPC, earning his nickname for his persistent demand for a 5% share in all dealings.
The war halted Anglo-German cooperation in Mesopotamia and temporarily buried TPC. Post-war, the Sykes-Picot Agreement assigned Mosul to the French, but British officials immediately worked to undermine this arrangement, especially as British forces captured Baghdad in 1917. Control over Mesopotamian oil was deemed crucial for British interests, with oil’s strategic importance underscored by the wartime shortages of 1917 and 1918. In December 1918, Clemenceau and Lloyd George tentatively settled the Mosul issue, with France getting a share of the oil in return for British control of the region. However, this agreement sparked prolonged negotiations filled with disputes. The San Remo Agreement in 1920 eventually granted France 25% of Mesopotamian oil, with Britain retaining control under a League of Nations mandate. The TPC was the vehicle for this development, with the French acquiring the former German share.
Meanwhile, the French aimed to bolster their oil position by creating a national champion, the Compagnie Française des Pétroles (CFP), headed by Ernest Mercier. CFP was to be the instrument of French liberation in oil, taking up the French shares in TPC and representing French interests in the oil-rich Middle East. Negotiations over TPC continued into the 1920s, complicated by the geopolitical dynamics and Gulbenkian’s steadfast demand for his 5% share. Ultimately, the final agreement—known as the Red Line Agreement—was signed in 1928, establishing the framework for future Middle Eastern oil development and binding all partners to joint operations within the boundaries of the former Ottoman Empire. This agreement highlighted the persistent and often contentious efforts to control and develop the region’s vast oil resources.
In 1919, U.S. Army Captain Dwight D. Eisenhower joined a cross-country motor convoy to demonstrate the potential of motor transportation. This journey was fraught with mechanical failures and poor roads and therefore highlighted the need for better highways. This realization would later influence Eisenhower’s push for the interstate highway system during his presidency. This event marked the beginning of America’s transition into a motorized society.
Henri Deterding, a senior executive at Shell, predicted that the post-World War I restlessness would increase the desire for travel. His foresight was evident as the number of registered cars in the U.S. skyrocketed from 3.4 million in 1916 to 23.1 million by the end of the 1920s. This boom in automobile ownership transformed American life, creating a new demand for gasoline and leading to a fourfold increase in gasoline production. The rise of the automobile culture led to the creation of drive-in gasoline stations, which replaced the old, inefficient methods of fuel distribution. The first such station was reportedly opened by the Automobile Gasoline Company in St. Louis in 1907. By 1929, the number of gas stations had grown to 143,000. With standardized structures featuring large signs and additional services, gas stations became icons of the new automotive era. This era also saw the proliferation of branded gasoline, with companies like Texaco, Shell, and Gulf establishing recognizable trademarks to assure customers of product purity. The sale of gasoline at retail outlets became highly competitive, transforming the oil industry.
World War I demonstrated that oil equaled power, solidifying the critical role of oil in global geopolitics. This realization led to heightened competition between oil companies and nation-states over control and ownership of oil resources, as exemplified by Mexico and Venezuela.
Yergin describes the development of Mexico’s Golden Lane oil fields. In early 20th-century Mexico, oil exploration was dominated by Pan American Petroleum, which was led by Edward L. Doheny, and Mexican Eagle, which was led by Englishman Sir Weetman Pearson and later Lord Cowdray. Pearson was an accomplished engineer whom President Porfirio Diaz invited to Mexico to undertake major infrastructure projects. Pearson soon ventured into oil, and despite initial setbacks, his persistence paid off in 1910 with significant oil strikes, leading to a boom and making Mexico a major oil producer by 1921. However, the Mexican Revolution of 1911 disrupted stability, leading to nationalization conflicts under the 1917 Constitution, which reasserted national ownership of subsoil resources. Facing violence and instability, foreign companies reduced investment, leading to a decline in Mexican oil production.
Unlike Mexico, Venezuela offered a favorable environment for oil exploration under General Juan Vicente Gomez, who centralized power and attracted foreign capital. Royal Dutch/Shell and Jersey Standard were among the early explorers. Despite initial skepticism and challenges such as disease and difficult terrain, major discoveries confirmed Venezuela’s potential. A prime example was Shell’s Barroso well, which was discovered in 1922. Through manipulation and kickbacks, Gomez’s regime facilitated rapid development, making Venezuela the world’s second-largest oil producer by 1929. Major companies like Royal Dutch/Shell, Gulf, and Pan American dominated production, and concerns about future stability led companies to build offshore refineries in places like Aruba and Curaçao.
In the Eastern Hemisphere, the Bolshevik Revolution placed Russian oil under Soviet control, challenging foreign oil interests. Royal Dutch/Shell and Standard Oil of New Jersey sought to negotiate with the Nobels for Russian oil assets, despite the Bolsheviks’ nationalization. Leonid Krasin, the Soviet Commissar for Foreign Trade, skillfully negotiated with Western companies, leveraging the New Economic Policy to attract foreign investment. Despite initial resistance, companies like Jersey and Shell formed alliances to manage the Soviet threat, but internal disagreements and geopolitical complexities hindered cooperation. By the late 1920s, companies shifted focus to new sources like the Middle East, with Soviet oil continuing to impact global markets.
In 1930, Columbus “Dad” Joiner, a struggling oil promoter, discovered oil in East Texas, sparking a massive boom during the Great Depression. Despite his limited education and his struggles with rheumatic fever, Joiner leveraged his optimism and persuasive skills to persevere in his drilling efforts on Daisy Bradford’s farm in Rusk County, Texas. His endeavors were based on dubious geological advice from “Doc Lloyd.” After three years, Joiner’s Daisy Bradford Number 3 well struck oil in October 1930, revealing the vast East Texas Oil Field, which later became known as the “Black Giant.” Spanning 140,000 acres, this became the largest oil field in the U.S. Initially met with disbelief, the discovery quickly led to a frenzy as subsequent wells confirmed its potential.
The oil rush brought thousands to East Texas, resulting in the creation of makeshift camps. Oil prices dropped dramatically from $1.85 per barrel in 1926 to two cents by mid-1931. Despite the effects of the Great Depression, East Texas saw a temporary economic boom with unprecedented drilling activity. However, when unregulated production led to an oversupply, prices plummeted and threatened the industry’s viability. In response, Texas Governor Ross Sterling declared martial law in August 1931, deploying the National Guard and Texas Rangers to enforce a shutdown, and this move helped to stabilize prices. To address the ongoing crisis, Harold Ickes, Secretary of the Interior under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, implemented measures to control production and further stabilize prices. The National Industrial Recovery Act and the Connally Hot Oil Act aimed to curb excess production and illegal trading. Implementing these acts involved federal-state cooperation and necessitated setting production quotas and imposing tariffs on foreign oil imports. By 1934, a regulatory framework brought stability to the industry through prorationing, whereby states allocated production quotas to match demand, thus preventing overproduction. Despite resistance and legal challenges, cooperation between federal and state authorities combined with advances in petroleum engineering to manage the industry’s output and prices.
In 1928, Henri Deterding, head of Royal Dutch/Shell, rented Achnacarry Castle in Scotland and invited key oil executives to a secretive meeting. The participants included Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New Jersey, Heinrich Riedemann, Sir John Cadman of Anglo-Persian, and others. The purpose was to address overproduction and overcapacity in the oil industry. The executives sought a formal agreement to stabilize markets, ensure profitability, and avoid destructive competition. The meeting resulted in the “Pool Association” or “As-Is Agreement.” This document outlined the industry’s problems and proposed solutions. Companies agreed to maintain their market shares based on 1928 levels, thus preventing overproduction and wasteful duplication of facilities. They also agreed to share facilities and limit new infrastructure to drive down costs. Key to the agreement was setting uniform prices based on the nearest geographical supply point, thereby ensuring that no price wars would arise among members.
However, the agreement faced several challenges. The Soviet Union, a major oil player, was initially left out of the discussion. However, despite the companies’ distaste for doing business with the Soviets, they reached an understanding with Russia in 1929, guaranteeing the Soviet Union a share in the British market. Notably, the “As-Is” Agreement excluded the U.S. domestic market in order to avoid American antitrust violations. Despite the agreement, many “fringe” players outside the consortium nibbled away at the majors’ market shares. The U.S. companies formed the Export Petroleum Association under the Webb-Pomerene Act to manage exports and negotiate with the European Group. However, internal disagreements and competition from outside producers led to the collapse of this effort.
Efforts to reformulate alliances continued. In 1930, the Big Three—Jersey, Shell, and Anglo-Persian—tried to revise the “As-Is” understanding for European markets. However, rising volumes of American, Russian, and Romanian oil undermined these attempts. By 1932, a new Heads of Agreement for Distribution was created, managed by committees in New York and London.
The Great Depression exacerbated industry problems, leading to the 1934 Draft Memorandum of Principles, which called for reduced competitive expenditures, including cuts in advertising and promotional gifts. Despite these measures, distrust and rivalry persisted among the companies. The geopolitical landscape further complicated matters as governments imposed quotas, set prices, and restricted foreign exchange, forcing companies to blend domestic products and invest locally. In Mexico, President Lázaro Cárdenas’s nationalistic policies culminated in the 1938 expropriation of foreign oil companies’ assets, leading to prolonged legal battles and compensation disputes.
Major Frank Holmes plays a pivotal role in the search for oil in the Arabian Peninsula. Born in New Zealand in 1874, Holmes had a diverse career as a mining engineer before turning his attention to the Middle East during and after World War I. His interest in oil was sparked in 1918 when he heard about oil seepages on the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf. Holmes was a determined and charismatic figure who earned the Arabic nickname “Abu al-Naft,” or “Father of Oil.” He tirelessly pursued oil concessions from various impoverished rulers along the Arabian coast, despite skepticism and opposition from British officials. His persistence led to the formation of the Eastern and General Syndicate, which secured several oil rights, including a significant concession in Bahrain in 1925.
Despite financial difficulties and the skepticism of companies like Anglo-Persian Oil, Holmes continued his quest. He eventually caught the interest of Gulf Oil, which took over the rights to his Arabian concessions in 1927. However, geopolitical complications arose with the Red Line Agreement, which restricted independent operations in the region by the major oil companies. This led Gulf Oil to pass the Bahrain concession to Standard Oil of California (Socal), which was not bound by the agreement.
Socal, keen to develop foreign oil supplies, established the Bahrain Petroleum Company and began drilling in Bahrain, eventually discovering oil in 1932. This success prompted further interest in the Arabian Peninsula, particularly in Saudi Arabia. Socal negotiated a concession with Saudi Arabia in 1933 despite the challenges posed by the British government’s opposition and the complex political landscape. Holmes’s vision and relentless efforts laid the groundwork for the eventual discovery of vast oil reserves in the region, transforming the geopolitical and economic landscape of the Middle East. His story underscores the blend of ambition, perseverance, and strategic maneuvering that characterized the early years of the oil industry in this region.
Part II dissects the interwar period, a critical era that solidified the geopolitical importance of oil. This section examines the strategic maneuvers and political agreements made in the aftermath of World War I, highlighting the increasing significance of oil as a vital resource for economic recovery and growth. Key events covered include the competition for Middle Eastern oil reserves, the formation of the Turkish Petroleum Company, and the dramatic rise of the global oil market, setting the stage for oil’s central role in shaping the 20th century.
The Economic and Political Significance of Oil is evident in the transition from wartime to peacetime, which saw a dramatic shift in the demand for oil. As Senator Bérenger, director of France’s Comité Général du Pétrole, remarked:
As oil had been the blood of war, so it would be the blood of the peace. At this hour, at the beginning of the peace, our civilian populations, our industries, our commerce, our farmers are all calling for more oil, always more oil, for more gasoline, always more gasoline. (183)
This metaphor captures the vital role of oil in both contexts, emphasizing its indispensability for both military operations and for economic recovery and growth in various sectors. The repeated call for “more oil” underscores the growing dependency on this resource, marking the transition towards an oil-driven world economy.
In the aftermath of World War I, the geopolitical importance of oil became evident as nations vied for control over this critical resource. As Yergin observes, “Oil was now inextricably linked to postwar politics. And this topic was very much on the minds of Clemenceau and Lloyd George as they drove through the cheering crowds in the streets of London” (184). This depiction of the French Premier and the British Prime Minister navigating public celebrations while contemplating the strategic significance of oil underscores the complex political maneuvers at play. Likewise, the phrase “inextricably linked” highlights the inevitable entanglement of oil and politics, foreshadowing the intense international competition for Middle Eastern oil resources. This moment sets the stage for the geopolitical struggles that would dominate the 20th century as nations recognized the critical importance of securing reliable oil supplies.
The Impact of Technological and Industrial Development on Geopolitics during this period had implications for both military strategy and industrial development. The 1919 U.S. Army motor convoy, led by Captain Dwight D. Eisenhower, was a significant event that demonstrated the potential of motor transportation and highlighted the inadequacies of existing infrastructure, and Yergin pointedly highlights the long-term effects of this endeavor, for Eisenhower’s journey “Through Darkest America with Truck and Tank” (207) underscored the primitive state of American roads and foreshadowed Eisenhower’s future advocacy for the Interstate Highway System. This project would revolutionize American transportation and have lasting impacts on the oil industry. Improved infrastructure thus facilitated the mass production and consumption of automobiles, driving up the demand for gasoline and transforming American society.
The Environmental and Social Implications of Oil Dependency were also significant during this period, particularly in countries that sought to nationalize their oil resources. As Yergin observes, “If oil was power, it was also a symbol of sovereignty” (229), and this comment encapsulates the complex relationship governing oil, economic power, and national sovereignty. Yergin thus analyzes the struggle for control over oil resources, which often led to significant political and social upheaval. In Mexico, for example, the nationalization of oil by the government following the Mexican Revolution highlighted the tension between retaining national control and attracting necessary foreign investment for development. This scenario, in which “Mexico had recaptured the oil but could not develop or market it without foreign capital” (232), illustrates the challenges faced by many resource-rich nations. The need for foreign investment clashed with nationalist policies, creating a persistent conflict between economic dependency and sovereign control. Yergin’s concrete examples create a more nuanced view of the shifting dynamics that influenced these powerful yet disparate forces.
The environmental impact of oil dependency also became evident during this period. The rapid expansion of the oil industry led to increased drilling activities and environmental degradation. However, as Yergin’s critique reveals, the boom in oil production often came at the expense of local environments and communities, leading to long-term ecological consequences. The chaotic rush for oil in East Texas described in Chapter 13 is a case in point, for the discovery of the East Texas Oil Field led to an unregulated drilling frenzy, resulting in environmental degradation and economic instability. Accordingly, the oversupply of oil caused prices to plummet, highlighting the unsustainable nature of uncontrolled oil production and its broader impacts on society.
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