The Gift

Whether it be Leenhardt on New Caledonians and the pilou-pilou (potlatch) or Malinowski on the Trobriand Islands the kula (circle - potlatch) (27), Mauss highlights the continuous and circular nature of these displays of wealth and generosity. Indeed, he points out that these gifts “must not be kept too long a time, nor must one be slow or difficult in passing them on” (30). Like all things social, these gifts are intended to be shared, examined, and enjoyed by everyone. Similarly, viewing the artifacts in a museum gives visitors a sense of wonderment, awe, and comfort. However, unlike the museum visit, these experiences in gift giving are designed in such a way “that irrevocably commits the recipient to make a reciprocating gift, the yotile, which Malinowski felicitously translates as the “‘clinching gift’: the gift that seals the transaction” (33).

It is a political minefield, as proper etiquette and decorum must be followed to avoid offending the gift giver whilst also acknowledging the partnership that stems from accepting said gift. Again, not every gift is wanted, but to refuse is insulting and possibly an act of war. Thus, “competition, rivalry, ostentatiousness, the seeking after the grandiose, and the stimulation of interest […] are the various motives that underlie all these actions” (36). It is a political and economic alliance forced onto the receiver that benefits as much as it weakens the gift receiver.

Equally, the concept of honor, credit, and time limits appear through these acts of gift giving (45). In popular culture, honor is a term often associated with a lone, noble warrior (e.g., the Japanese Samurai). However, it encompasses much more. Mauss illustrates this by discussing how “in certain kinds of potlatch one must expend all that one has, keeping nothing back. […] It is a competition to see who is the richest and also the most madly extravagant” (47). To hold back in any way would bring dishonor and inevitably embarrass the chief and his tribe. They must give everything or risk losing everything. Nowhere is this more evident than when it comes to the willful destruction of goods as a display of wealth:

[W]hole boxes of olachen (candlefish) oil or whale oil are burnt, as are houses and thousands of blankets. The most valuable copper objects are broken and thrown into the water, in order to put down and to ‘flatten’ one’s rival. In this way one not only promotes oneself, but also one’s family, up the social scale (47-48).

Thus, the potlatch represents a desire not for material wealth but instead, a desire for honor and greatness. In such a way as they worship the gods, so too do they worship themselves in a sacrificial display of their greatness and prowess. Mauss argues that the potlatch is a religious and mythological event as much as it is an economic phenomenon (49). He also argues that it is also a “phenomenon of social structure: […] One fraternizes, yet one remains a stranger; one communicates and opposes others in a gigantic act of trade and a constant tournament” (49). Each person, from the chief to the child, has an assigned role to play, even if some are more defined than others.