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52 pages 1 hour read

Friedrich Nietzsche, Transl. H.L. Mencken

The Antichrist

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1895

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IntroductionChapter Summaries & Analyses

Introduction Summary

H.L. Mencken provides historical context for The Antichrist within Friedrich Nietzsche’s life and work—in particular, Nietzsche’s plan to publish the book as the first of four parts constituting a collection he hoped would be his magnum opus: Der Wille zur Macht, or The Will to Power.

The year Nietzsche wrote The Antichrist (1888) was a productive year: He completed two works, The Case of Wagner and Twilight of the Idols. The Antichrist was completed in September and immediately followed by Ecce Homo, Nietzsche’s final work. In December, his health declined; by early 1889, he was paralyzed and would never write again.

Mencken covers The Antichrist’s delayed publication under the guidance of Nietzsche’s sister and inheritor, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, a pious Christian who suspected the openly heretical Antichrist of being tainted by other hands. Mencken vehemently denies this, arguing that many of Nietzsche’s most famous concepts and coinages—such as the “will to power,” “eternal recurrence,” and the “Übermensch”—were all meant to oppose concordant concepts within Christianity.

Mencken argues, “If he was anything in a word, Nietzsche was a Greek born two thousand years too late”—though he is careful to note that he does not mean “Greek” in a neo-Platonic sense, but a Heraclitan one, conceiving of an imperfect god like Polish-British writer Joseph Conrad’s (4).

Mencken addresses The Antichrist’s influence during World War I, arguing that Germans butchered its ideas to justify their part in the war, while Americans and the British feared and denounced Nietzsche, casting him as an anti-Christ himself.

Mencken also argues that the application of Nietzsche’s anti-democratic views by the Marxist Bolsheviks and “plutocracy” (traditional Western powers) are both misinterpretations. The Bolsheviks represent democracy of a different color, while the plutocracy seeks only comforts and sloth in subjugating the proletariat.

Nietzsche had no interest in destroying the mass-consumed version of Christianity—or at least, the parts he deemed benign. Rather, he intended to divorce the philosophical elite from it, which had already been accomplished metaphysically following the popular acceptance of Darwin’s theory of evolution in the 1880s. However, this divorce had yet to free philosophy from Christian morality—this separation being what Nietzsche attempts in The Antichrist.

Mencken attempts to defend Nietzsche from accusations of antisemitism, claiming that his exploration of Christianity—which necessitated further exploration of Judaism—led him to conclude the former was “superior” (10). However, Mencken’s own antisemitism comes through via his language and logic.

Mencken describes The Antichrist as Nietzsche’s most coherent work, with a clear beginning, middle, and end, rather than his usual “apothegms” (concise sayings)—a form detractors used to criticize him and his mental state. Mencken lauds Nietzsche’s refusal to submit to conventional written forms of philosophy.

Mencken closes his introduction by describing his translation as a private amusement that became a serious affair, though he never intended it as a replacement for the two previous English translations: Thomas Common’s Germanic version and Anthony Ludovici’s poetic one.

Introduction Analysis

Writing in 1920, translator H.L. Mencken’s introduction is primarily concerned with reconciling an evolving philosophical and popular opinion on Nietzsche’s work with events that wracked the Western world since its publication—most notably, World War I and the Russian Revolution. Mencken places this reconciliation between a standard biographical-contextual review of Nietzsche (i.e., The Antichrist’s placement in his bibliography) and an explanation of his endeavor to translate the book into English—taking note of translations that preceded him.

Mencken describes almost all sides utilizing Nietzsche’s ideas and the ensuing academic fervor for iconoclasm as an explanation for their actions. For the Allied Powers, Nietzsche was a demonic enemy; for the Central Powers, he offered justification for all forms of conquest; for the Bolsheviks, his hatred of “décadence” spoke to their need to bring down the Tsar; and to the traditional Western plutocracy, his ideas threatened their temples of tradition and comfort. In all these cases, Nietzsche’s ideas are broken down into fodder for propaganda, until they appear to bring nothing but suffering. But there is a double misunderstanding here, as Nietzsche was never concerned with speaking to society as a whole, but rather his ideal, independent-minded reader.

Responding to the fatalistic atmosphere following World War I, Mencken is particularly preoccupied with clarifying Nietzsche’s intentions with religion—specifically, Christianity and Judaism. In regards to the former, Mencken explains that it was never Nietzsche’s intention to bring down the religion altogether, at least the form received by the masses. Nietzsche’s elitism led him to regard mass consumption as harmless, serving the same sociopsychological purpose as any other religion. Rather, he was disturbed by the championing of Christian morality by philosophers—supposed peers—whom he considered the gatekeepers of elite dialogues, supported by powerful Protestant and Catholic clerical patrons. Nietzsche’s endeavor to separate these ways of thinking via The Antichrist was therefore an attempt to enrich the art of philosophy by freeing it of the chains of an externally imposed morality.

Mencken points out that despite the book’s title, Nietzsche had nothing but admiration for Christ as an individual—an argument lifted directly from the text. Nietzsche’s true enemy is Saint Paul the Apostle, who began the tradition of Christian ecclesiasticism in the first century. It is this devotion that Nietzsche most despises and is careful to separate from the original teachings of Jesus.

Mencken’s attempt to defend Nietzsche’s views on Judaism is problematic, with his own antisemitism seeping through his argument. He instead finds greater success—albeit unintentionally—when describing the individuals Nietzsche most vehemently opposed, including Friedrich von Bernhardi and Heinrich von Treitschke, Prussian nationalists whose works greatly influenced the Nazis.

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