39 pages • 1 hour read
Tracie McMillanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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McMillan has left the fields of California behind and is looking for work in Michigan. She hopes to find work in a Walmart Supercenter—a store with a supermarket—because, as she tells us, “Walmart is the largest grocer in both the U.S. and the world” (101).
From the outset, McMillan realizes that working at Walmart will be vastly different from working in the fields; the application process requires she provide significant amounts of personal information along with guarantees that she is not a convicted felon and that she has the right to work in the US. After a week, McMillan lands a job stocking shelves overnight on a part-time basis.
Having secured a job at the largest grocer in the world, McMillan explains how Walmart got that way. Within 20 years of its creation in 1962, Walmart had come to dominate the consumer goods market and began searching for opportunities to expand. The company opened its first Supercenter in 1988; 10 years later, it was among the country’s largest grocers, and it took the top spot a few years later.
What Walmart does share with other supermarkets is its method of selling food, which McMillan tells us dates to the early years of the Great Depression. The rise of processed food in the early 20th century made food cheaper to produce and market, and, for stores like King Kullen—the world’s first supermarket—to stock in bulk. During her shifts stocking shelves, McMillan sees this first hand, noting that “onions, chickens, lemons, tomatoes, milk, and all the rest of what I’d used to cook at home are relegated to the sidelines, with every processed food known to man taking center stage” (111). Walmart’s massive selection of food allows it to sell some at a loss to lure people in while generating significant profits on other items they end up purchasing, a practice known as “loss leading.” Because Walmart is so large, McMillan says, it can also dictate what suppliers charge for their products.
In McMillan’s case, working at Walmart provides insight into its food selling practices, but the overnight work wreaks havoc on her social life, and the pay isn’t enough to cover her bills. At the end of the chapter, she decides to quit, noting that it’ll be months before she’ll find a job in the department she’ll explore in the next chapter: stocking produce.
Chapter 6 takes places in Detroit, which, as McMillan tells us, has become a food desert, meaning it does not have enough grocery stores for its population. On average, Detroiters have roughly 25% less grocery store space than the standard for the industry. Many residents purchase food at liquor and convenience stores, McMillan says, noting that in Detroit, 13% of food stamps are used at convenience stores. In some ways, this state of affairs reflects the birth of supermarkets themselves, which were always intended for the suburbs. In modern-day Detroit, residents spend an estimated $200 million at suburban supermarkets. During her first few weeks in Detroit, hampered by an unemployment rate that is nearly twice the nationwide total, McMillan searches for a job at one of these suburban stores.
While she searches for work, McMillan settles into her rented room in a neighborhood called Mexicantown and shops at a local grocer, where she’s surprised to find produce is cheaper than at Walmart. She tells us because produce can spoil, small grocers are more competitive, but when it comes to food that can be bought in massive quantities—namely, processed food—Walmart is far less expensive. Still, McMillan says these differences suggest that Walmart may not offer as much of a discount on food as it claims.
Finally, McMillan gets a job stocking produce at a suburban Walmart, where much of her job consists of culling produce that has spoiled and “crisping” the rest—removing rotted parts so that it appears fresher. She confesses she’s not that confident assessing the quality of produce, a trait she says many Americans share. This decline in basic food literacy has led to the rise of packaged produce like bagged salads and pre-wrapped potatoes: “food companies saw that Americans were losing both time to cook and fluency in the kitchen, so they began offering ways to avoid using the kitchen at all” (157).
At the close of the chapter, McMillan describes her frustration with a co-worker who expresses dismissive attitudes of the fieldworkers who picked the produce they’re stocking and who hopes a crackdown on illegal immigration will force farmers to pay higher wages, a hope McMillan knows—although she can’t say so without raising questions about her identity—is likely unrealistic.
McMillan continues to stock produce at Walmart, observing an increasing degree of dysfunction the longer she works there, such as the leak that’s hindering the functioning of the store’s refrigeration systems, leading to vast quantities of produce rotting away. Dealing with rotting food, from completely spoiled produce to food that’s no longer appealing enough to be sold, is an unending task. Spoiled food must be inventoried, and the workload increases after Walmart introduces a composting program during McMillan’s tenure.
McMillan next describes a different sort of produce distribution: wholesale markets. She heads to such a market, called the Terminal market, with the distributor for an independent grocer that’s started an initiative to help small stores stock produce, fueled by the 2010 creation of a food voucher than can only be spent on fruits and vegetables. Conspicuously absent from the market are buyers from any of the large supermarket chains, including Walmart, as they have for the most part their own distribution systems for produce. At another wholesale market known as Eastern Market, McMillan observes that despite Detroit’s reputation as a food desert, there’s plenty of food available; it’s the distribution of food, via suburban supermarkets, that’s created issues of access.
Eastern Market is just one place where McMillan finds low-income people who care about what they eat, despite their meager resources. This is everywhere in evidence in the form of Detroit’s community gardens, McMillan says, some of which have become so productive they’ve formed a cooperative known as Grown in Detroit that sells produce to local restaurants and supermarkets. McMillan describes a smaller initiative, called D-town farms, a four-acre plot founded to provide access to fresh, chemical-free produce while using vacant land and encouraging self-sufficiency in Detroit’s black community. McMillan cites research that suggests that small farms like D-town could produce all of Detroit’s produce while using just 12% of its vacant land.
As McMillan nears the end of her time at Walmart, she goes grocery shopping in the store where she works for the first time. Even though she stocks the produce, she says she’s surprised by how much of it isn’t fresh and is lower in quality than that of her neighborhood store. Shortly thereafter, McMillan quits, having been reassured by her assistant manager that Walmart will go on without her.
In these chapters, McMillan sets out to investigate an aspect of the food system she identified at the outset of book as an under-examined aspect of that system: the supermarket, and more specifically, the Walmart Supercenter.
The section opens with a depiction of rural Michigan struggling with a sputtering economy. By establishing this context, McMillan is foreshadowing the thread that will run through these chapters: how constrained economic circumstances shape the choices people make at the grocery store. For many people, Walmart is where they make those choices; as McMillan tells us, 22% of all groceries in the United States are purchased at Walmart. Supermarkets in general sell 95% of all fruits and vegetables Americans purchase. In this figure, we see an echo of the consolidation in industrial agriculture that McMillan explored in the first section of the book, and indeed, they’re contemporaneous phenomena: The disappearance of small grocers and concentration of food retail in a handful of massive chains necessitated the growth of large-scale agriculture, as “the easiest way to keep stores stocked with produce was to contract with growers big enough to meet the demand” (151).
Part of what made this market dominance possible was the development of shelf-stable food that could be bought in bulk, the kind of food that McMillan grew up eating. McMillan intersperses the discussion of how grocery stores like Walmart came to be dominated by processed food that’s high in sugar and fat with her own experience and those of her colleagues at Walmart, who subsist much of the time on processed food due to price but show interest in healthier options—an interest that runs counter to the prevailing assumption that poor people choose to eat junk food. Walking through Walmart’s aisles, McMillan reflects that a century of policy decisions made Supercenters possible, even as they failed to guarantee access to healthy food for all.
Throughout this section, McMillan contrasts the abundant fruits and vegetables available in places like a Walmart produce back room or the Detroit produce wholesaler Eastern Market with the lack of access to that food among the state’s poorest residents. Having established this contradiction, McMillan moves into a possible solution: the small-scale urban agriculture that’s burgeoning in Detroit.
While the current wave of urban agriculture in Detroit began in the 2000s, fueled by the increasing number of vacant lots and lack of supermarkets, its practice in the city dates back to the 19th century. Without the large infrastructure of industrial farms, these urban farms can sell directly to consumers, reducing prices, and can more easily adopt innovative practices. Some of these practices, such as composting and planting diverse crops—what McMillan calls agroecology—would make it possible to feed a city like Detroit for a fraction of the land the same amount of industrial agriculture would require.
The consequence of not finding a different way to distribute produce may not just be that fruits and vegetables stay unaffordable, McMillan says—it’s that they could become even more so. McMillan observes that Walmart’s market dominance reduces the incentive to offer lower prices, citing research that found that the difference between prices at stores like Walmart and traditional grocers is lower in places where Supercenters have more market share. All of this, McMillan says, raises questions about Walmart’s own branding as a purveyor of affordable food. This framing highlights how the price of food is determined by the systems that have been set up to distribute it and underscores how providing affordable food requires more than just telling people to eat differently within these systems.