Tecumseh and the Quest for Indian Leadership

“The agreement was a bitter pill for the Shawnees to swallow, yet they had little choice. The British army sat poised to strike their villages. If they refused Dunmore’s offer, there would be further bloodshed and this time their women and children would suffer. Many of the warriors muttered among themselves, vowing never to surrender Kentucky to the Long Knives, but for the present they would make their sign on the document. Soon the British army would retreat over the mountains and their families no longer would be threatened. If other Virginians dared to enter Kentucky, let them come.”

This passage captures Shawnee sentiment following the Battle of Point Pleasant in October 1774. Although largely successful, the Shawnee and Mingo coalition was unable to completely defeat the Virginian militia, and it was compelled to make peace. Nevertheless, the Shawnee recognize that future conflict with the European settlers is inevitable. 

“Always a popular child, Tecumseh evidently possessed most of the qualities deemed important for a young Shawnee. A wiry, muscular boy who matured quickly, he excelled at the games and skills practiced by the boys of his village. […] Notwithstanding the loss of his parents, Tecumseh had a very successful childhood.”

In this portrait of the young Tecumseh, Edmunds presents the child as someone who is well positioned for success within his tribe. Though he has experienced challenges in his family life, Tecumseh displays all of the necessary skills of a capable leader and warrior at an early age.

“Growing up amidst the chaos of war, the young Tecumseh was profoundly influenced by his experiences in these years. The Shawnees always had venerated warriors, but the prolonged conflict maximized the role of the war chiefs, giving them an increased authority within the framework of tribal politics. To a maturing adolescent, warriors such as Blackfish and Chiksika seemed larger than life. […] A Shawnee man’s role was that of a warrior. Warriors did not compromise with the Long Knives.”

In this passage, Edmunds provides an early formulation of “the warrior’s path.” This path is the traditional Shawnee conception of a male fighter, which is embodied in the passage by Tecumseh’s older brother Chiksika. The near constant cycle of conflict between the Shawnee and European settlers during his childhood sets Tecumseh on a path of confrontation with the “Long Knives.” 

“In 1787, when he left Ohio, Tecumseh had followed his brother. In 1790, when he returned, he was a war chief.”

Here, Edmunds marks the transition in Tecumseh’s life following the death of his brother Chiksika in 1788. After losing his brother in battle, Tecumseh spends the next two years roaming the Kentucky and Tennessee countryside in search of revenge. He returns to his people in Ohio as a mature, well-respected, young war chief.

“But when the fur trade expanded, the Shawnees’ old self-sufficiency disintegrated as they became increasingly dependent upon the white man’s trade goods. Items once deemed luxuries became necessities, and when the Shawnee and other Indians were denied these products they suffered. […] The Shawnee remained a hunting and gathering people who planted their small fields of corn, but they now needed the white man’s trade goods to continue their traditional lifestyle.”

In this passage, Edmunds lays out the dire economic conditions confronting the Shawnee and other Indigenous tribes during Tecumseh’s lifetime. European colonization has completely upended the culture of the Native Americans, who have become dependent on commerce with white settlers to secure basic necessities such as food and clothing. Therefore, any defense of Indigenous territory must involve cooperation from at least one European party.

“[M]ost of the [Shawnee] traditionalists traded with British traders who still traveled throughout the Maumee Valley. Many of these traders […] had taken Shawnee wives and exercised considerable influence in tribal councils. They persuaded the Shawnees to make periodic pilgrimages to visit British officials at Amherstburg, in Canada, and they sympathized with the Shawnees’ complaints against the Long Knives. Although these traders, who also served as British Indian agents, did not urge the Shawnees to actively oppose the United States, they worked to strengthen the Indians’ conviction that much of their trouble was caused by the Americans.”

This passage describes the role of so-called “British Indian agents” such as Matthew Elliott. These individuals developed close ties with tribes like the Shawnee, but they also maintained connections to the British colonial government. British Indian agents tried to convince Native Americans to ally with Britain against the United States. Elliott will become a crucial intermediary between Tecumseh and the British before and during the War of 1812.

“Lalawethika assured his audience that he was a changed man. No longer would he drink the white man’s whiskey. The Master of Life had chosen him to lead the Indians back down the road toward salvation. From this day forward he would be known as Tenskwatawa, the ‘Open Door,’ a name symbolic of his new role as the religious leader of his people.”

Here, Edmunds describes the transformation of Tecumseh’s younger brother Lalawethika into Tenskwatawa the Prophet. Following a dramatic vision in 1805, Tenskwatawa leads a growing, pan-tribal, religious movement that becomes a major force in the Old Northwest. 

“According to the Prophet, the Master of Life had informed him, ‘The Americans I did not make. They are not my children, but the children of the Evil Spirit.’” 

In this passage, Edmunds points out that, from the very beginning, Tenskwatawa’s religious movement was oriented around both an opposition to the United States as well as a return to traditional Indigenous practices. Crucially, the British are framed as children of the Master of Life like the Shawnee, which justifies an anti-American alliance with the Crown.

“Tecumseh’s speech at Chillicothe reflected the evolving nature of the Indian movement. The Prophet’s religion still served as the focal point that attracted tribesmen from throughout the Old Northwest, but many of the permanent residents at Greenville were slowly shifting their attention away from a religious deliverance toward a political solution to their problems, with a primary focus on land occupancy. […] This concern for the retention of Indian territories indicated that Tecumseh’s influence was increasing, but it also illustrated that Tecumseh […] had adopted (perhaps unconsciously) certain tents of Euro-American land ownership.”

According to Edmunds, the Prophet’s religious revival gradually transforms into a political and military alliance under the leadership of Tecumseh. In the wake of the 1795 Treaty of Greenville, which established a clear border between American and Native American territory, Edmunds argues that Tecumseh begins to pursue a political policy based on determinate land occupancy—a notion foreign to Indigenous traditions. Tecumseh will attempt to define and defend a clearly delineated Native American territory against United States settlement.

“Although the tribes had sometimes formed alliances, these combinations had been poorly organized and of short duration. Most Indian leaders remained tied to their tribal pasts and saw their world from a tribal perspective. In contrast, Tecumseh championed a stronger, pan-tribal confederacy in which the members would labor for the benefit of all Indians, rather than for particular tribal interests. Only a widespread confederacy under strong leadership could ever preserve the remaining Indian land-base.”

As in the previous passage, Edmunds provides a crucial elaboration upon Tecumseh’s political strategy. While isolated tribes and their leaders negotiated land treaties with colonial powers to the detriment of Native Americans as a whole, Tecumseh wants to unify different Indigenous factions under a single political movement. This, he believes, will better secure their interests against the United States.

“Like the Prophet’s speech on the Mississinewa, Tecumseh’s journey to Amherstburg reflected the changing nature of the Indian movement. Unquestionably, Tecumseh’s role had increased in importance. Stronger ties with the British were essential if the movement hoped to prosper, and the Indians needed an articulate and convincing spokesman to present their case in Amherstburg.”

In this passage, Edmunds notes the increasing ties between Tecumseh and the British in the lead-up to the War of 1812. By June 1808, Tecumseh journeys to Canada to strengthen his alliance with the British against the United States.

“In retrospect, the Treaty of Fort Wayne was a temporary victory for Harrison, but its long-term ramifications worked to Tecumseh’s advantage. He had repeatedly cautioned the tribes of Ohio and Indiana that they must stand together or lose their lands, and the recent cessions at Fort Wayne only seemed to confirm his warnings. […] Perhaps his concepts of intertribal unity, so alien to traditional Indian politics, offered the only hope of retaining Indian homelands. Frightened, many tribesmen who earlier had followed their traditional village chiefs now reassessed their loyalties. They had refused his invitations in the past, but if Tecumseh or his emissaries again appeared in their village they intended to listen.”

The Treaty of Fort Wayne in September 1809 cedes a large portion of Native American territory to the United States government. While this benefits Governor Harrison, Edmunds argues that the agreement catalyzed tribal support for Tecumseh and his policy of a unified political front against the encroachments of American settlement.

“I am alone the acknowledged head of all the Indians.”

These words, reportedly said by Tecumseh to Governor Harrison in August 1810, reflect Tecumseh’s growing confidence as a leader who represents the interests of several different tribes. His movement is no longer a religious organization centered on Tenskwatawa. It is a political confederation designed to meet the United States government on equal terms.

“The British commitment to the Indians was a matter of some confusion. Sir James Craig, governor general of Canada, was eager to maintain the tribesmen’s allegiance. Like other officials in Canada, he realized that if war erupted between the United States and the British Empire, His Majesty’s forces in Canada would desperately need the Indians’ assistance. Yet he did not want Tecumseh and other Indian leaders to interpret British support as a carte blanche for action against the Americans, and he most certainly did not intend for his government to become involved in a war with the United States because of entangling alliances with the tribesmen. Therefore, he wished local Indian agents to maintain the warriors’ friendship but to restrain them from any overt military action against the Americans.”

Here, Edmunds examines British policy towards tribes in North America after the American Revolution. Sir James Craig, the main representative of the Crown in Canada, recognizes the importance of Indigenous support in case the United States invades British territory in Canada. However, he also does not want to provoke conflict between tribes and the United States. This policy creates some confusion among people like the Shawnee in the years preceding the War of 1812. 

“Harrison had entertained plans to disperse the Indians at Prophetstown, and the [August 1811] meeting at Vincennes markedly strengthened his determination. He remained convinced that Tecumseh had planned to murder him during the Vincennes meeting and that only the obvious display of overwhelming American military strength had prevented the attempt. For Harrison, therefore, military power, not cooperation or diplomacy, now emerged as the cornerstone of American Indian policy in the Old Northwest.”

In this passage, Edmunds lays out the rationale behind Harrison’s decision to attack Prophetstown at the Battle of Tippecanoe. Another tense exchange with Tecumseh leads Harrison to believe that force is the only viable policy against the Indigenous movement. This will lead to the destruction of Prophetstown and the temporary disintegration of Tecumseh’s confederacy.

“If the Battle of Tippecanoe was not a significant victory for Harrison, it was nevertheless a severe blow to Tecumseh and the Prophet. Prior to the battle Tecumseh had finally extended his influence throughout most of the northwestern tribes, and although he was still opposed by many of the government chiefs, his magnetism over the younger warriors had been spreading. He had left Indiana in the hope of bringing the southern tribes into the movement, but now even his efforts in the Northwest seemed broken. Prophetstown was destroyed, and most of his staunchest followers had returned to their old villages.”

Here, Edmunds lays out the important aftermath of the Battle of Tippecanoe in November 1811. More than anything else, the event sows disorder in Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa’s movement, leading many followers to abandon Prophetstown. Just as Tecumseh is on the cusp of expanding his confederation, he must once again build it from the ground up.

“Tecumseh returned to the Tippecanoe in January 1812 to find his movement in shambles. He had learned of the Indian defeat in southeastern Missouri, where he was visiting the Shawnee near Cape Girardeau, and as he crossed Illinois a series of earthquakes ominously shook the Ohio and Mississippi Valleys. Yet he still was unprepared for the extent of the devastation at Prophetstown. Aware that he would now be forced to rebuild his movement, he turned on Tenskwatawa and denounced him for leading the warriors in the disastrous attack on the Americans. In reply the Prophet attempted to defend his actions, but his paltry excuses infuriated Tecumseh, who seized his brother by the hair and threatened to kill him if he ever again jeopardized the Indian movement.”

In this passage, Edmunds describes the dramatic falling out between Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa after the defeat of the Battle of Tippecanoe. With their movement in shambles, Tecumseh nearly kills his brother in anger. The Prophet is now discredited, and Tecumseh will have to rebuild his Indigenous confederation mostly on his own.

“Neutrality might be feasible in the polished board rooms of Montreal, but it seemed a dangerous luxury at Amherstburg.”

Here, Edmunds once more describes the policy of “British Indian agent” Matthew Elliott. Even if the British government is reluctant to engage in conflict with the United States, Elliott recognizes that conditions in the Old Northwest will shortly precipitate war. As a result, he prepares Indigenous allies, like Tecumseh, for the coming struggle.

“We defy a living creature to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly, to make war on our white brothers. It has constantly been our misfortune to our views misrepresented to our white brethren; this has been done by pretended chiefs of the Potawatomis.”

In this speech by Tecumseh, the Shawnee warrior disputes the claims of pro-American tribesmen that his movement has exacerbated tensions with the United States. Potawatomi raiders loyal to Main Poc, and not Tecumseh, are responsible for recent attacks on whites in Illinois that have alarmed American officials, like Harrison. Though he is hardly opposed to war with the United States, Tecumseh sees these irregular skirmishes as unhelpful to his cause.

“[Tecumseh and the other Native Americans] were more than willing to risk their lives fighting from the protection of the forest, but they considered an open advance upon a well-defended position to be suicidal. European and American commanders were willing to take such calculated losses since their ties to their troops were only of a professional nature, but among the tribesmen many members of the war parties were relatives or life-long friends. For Tecumseh and other war chiefs, there was no dissociation from their ‘troops.”

In this passage from his account of the attack on Fort Stephenson in August 1813, Edmunds describes an important difference between the battle tactics of Native Americans and their British allies. While British commanders are willing to sacrifice their troops, Tecumseh and other war chiefs are much more cautious because of their close relationships with their fellow warriors.

“We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his will [the Great Spirit] we wish to leave our bones upon them.”

This quote, pulled from a speech given by Tecumseh in September 1813, reflects Tecumseh’s opposition to Colonel Henry Procter’s decision to retreat further into Canada from the Detroit-Amherstburg area. While Tecumseh is focused on beating back the American advance into his territory, Procter has the separate aim of protecting Upper Canada. This divergence in goals is why Tecumseh and Procter failed to achieve significant military successes throughout 1813.

“Indians who survived the Battle of the Thames later agreed that on the eve of the battle Tecumseh appeared to have a premonition of his death. He did not act depressed, but he did seem reflective, aware that his cause was lost. His father and two of his brothers had died fighting the Long Knives. If the Master of Life willed it, he would join them.”

Like his brother Chiksika, Tecumseh has a vision of his death on the eve of the Battle of the Thames. Tecumseh accepts his fate and decides to fight the Americans the next day. 

“The British and Indian defeat [at the Thames] signaled the collapse of Tecumseh’s confederacy. Although some warriors remained in Canada, they lost their enthusiasm for further resistance and only half-heartedly supported the British. Further west, in Michigan, Main Poc tried to rally Tecumseh’s followers but his efforts also failed. After Tecumseh’s death most tribesmen accepted the inevitable. They would be forced to accommodate the Americans.”

According to Edmunds, the pan-tribal coalition centered on Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa does not survive the Prophet’s death at the Battle of the Thames in October 1813. Neither the Prophet nor Main Poc can effectively reconstitute the alliance, and opposition to American settlement in the Old Northwest fades.