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59 pages 1 hour read

Imani Perry

South to America: A Journey Below the Mason Dixon to Understand the Soul of a Nation

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 2022

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Part 3, Chapters 16-18Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 16 Summary: “Magnolia Graves and Easter Lilies”

Perry’s mother, Theresa, was a novice in an order of Black nuns in New Orleans, the Sisters of the Holy Family. Established in 1842, the group provided education to enslaved children and provided care for the aging, a tradition that the order continues today. The order’s commitment to social justice informed Perry’s mother’s activism, and she left the order and became a freedom movement organizer. Perry sees the city as another home.

Entering the order of Holy Familys provided Black women in New Orleans a way out of the exploitation they faced in the Jim Crow South. For example, the ballroom of the Bourbon Orleans Hotel acted as a center for plaçage, a legacy of French colonialism. There, women of mixed race entertained white men: “It was an arrangement that was less violent than plantation rape, but wholly predicated on White supremacy and patriarchy, so only somewhat less violent” (322). The Holy Familys eventually turned the ballroom into a convent.

Some people deem New Orleans “the most African and most European of American cities” because the intersections of cultural influences and identities that appear there provide a sense of the “exotic” for tourists (323). Nonetheless, there is a dark underbelly to the city that tourists do not always see. The fleur-de-lis that one sees all over the city is a reminder of its tragedies: The symbol represents the French crown and was branded onto fugitives from enslavement, who were brutally mutilated for their disobedience.

Enslaved Africans arrived in the city after enduring the horrific conditions aboard ships crossing the Atlantic. After the cotton gin’s invention, the demand for enslaved labor in New Orleans increased, so Black people were also sent there from the Northern US. This system shaped New Orleans, just as French imperialism did, and its sociological vestiges survive in the form of Louisiana’s worldwide record for rates of incarceration and its high proportion of imprisoned Black people. Romantic views of old plantations, popular tourist sites, and venues for weddings stand in contrast to the brutality that enslaved people experienced on these lands.

The United Fruit Company once called New Orleans its home and made the city a company town. Today, the company’s former headquarters stands as a reminder of the relationship between corporate interests and American imperialism and the links between the South, Latin American nations, and the Caribbean islands. In 1910, the company’s private military force made Honduras a “banana republic,” installing a puppet government that protected the company’s financial interests and sapped citizens’ political rights. Perry identifies this relationship between the US and Latin America as follows: […] rival souls were essential to the hypocritical relationship between American democracy and its economic domination of other people, which stole their independence as well as autonomy, again and again” (328). US economic and political hegemony sustains its hierarchical relationship to Latin America, repeatedly infringing on the region’s rights to self-government.

In 2005, Hurricane Katrina ravaged New Orleans. The nuns of Holy Family kept their nursing home, Lafan, running, during the disaster, but 19 people perished before rescuers could reach them. So many of the city’s residents died that bodies piled up, a sign of the federal government’s abandonment of the city’s people, many of whom were and are Black. Some residents who fled New Orleans never returned. Devastated neighborhoods have since been leveled and gentrified, but the privileged, drunken “tourist theater continues” (342) in the city.

The city’s Magnolia Housing Projects, which boast award-winning architecture projects and were the home of several hip-hop artists, are both a site of Black creativity and a symbol of the city’s dispossession. The nearby Black-owned Flint Goodridge Hospital, founded in the late 1800s, was first a nursing school and then a hospital serving the segregated community. Desegregation’s shift in demand caused the hospital to eventually close in 1983 in the face of the crack epidemic and rising gun violence. Likewise, Thomy Lafon School served the projects’ Black children, but after Katrina damaged the property, the school was closed, even though the award-winning building survived.

During a phone call with her godmother, the Mother Superior of Holy Family, Perry remembers that the world is cruel, as New Orleans demonstrates, but it is not her true home.

Chapter 17 Summary: Paraíso: “The Bahamas and Havana”

Perry sees the Caribbean as a cultural extension of the Southern US. Paradise Island in the Bahamas and Havana, Cuba, are “two places distinct from, independent of, yet deeply familiar and bound to the United States” (349). Moreover, the American South is similar to the “Global South” to which these two places belong. The term “Global South” refers to wealthy nations of the north, like the US, as both dominating and depending on the resources of poorer countries that lie south of them. This definition echoes the American South’s relationship to the US as a whole.

The Bahamas is a former British colony. After the British declared all enslaved people who entered the Bahamas free, an influx of Black settlers arrived. Refugees came to the Bahamas in the wake of the Haitian Revolution.

In 1841, Africans revolted and demanded that their ship be sailed to the Bahamian port of Nassau. Nevertheless, Nassau also served as a base for trade with the Confederate states during the Civil War, and the Bahamas became “a proto-Jim Crow nation” (351). The remnants of this history appear in the “deeply stratified” nature of the Bahamas; the islands serve as a playground and tax haven for the rich, while impoverished Haitians live on the margins of society despite comprising about one-third of the Bahamian population. Another third of the population comes from the Southern US.

Today, “leisure culture” and the tourist industry dominate the Bahamas. Perry describes the discomfort that being an upper-middle-class African American brings on a visit to the island nation: “It was harder for me to connect in the Bahamas than anywhere else in the Black world I’ve been […] The Bahamians knew I was there to shop and sun, even if I hoped for something more substantive” (355). There are reasons for this suspicion and skepticism directed at American tourists. The cruise industry that seeks tax refuge in the Bahamas serves as an arm of corporate imperialism today: “They pollute the waters for American pleasure. They serve Americans who would rather not sleep in the places they want to peer at […]” (354). Likewise, the Bahamian celebratory tradition Junkanoo now serves the tourist industry.

The time that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., spent in the Bahamas is significant and demonstrative of the link between the Caribbean and the US South. Perry wonders if he came as a tourist or, like her, sought something more significant. He authored his mountaintop speech, which he gave in Memphis the day before his assassination, in the Bahamas. She speculates about what King saw there that may have inspired him. She is certain that he would see the poverty inflicted on Haitians as a reminder of why he began his Poor People’s Campaign, which focused on eradicating economic inequality.

Perry recounts her visit to Havana, where she is again reminded of her “ugly Americanism” when she finds herself dissatisfied with her hotel accommodations (360). Most of Cuba’s population is Black, another reminder of enslavement’s impact on the Caribbean. Here, she finds similarities to the US, despite the Cuban Revolution’s promise of racial egalitarianism.

Before the revolution in the 1950s, the US treated Cuba as a de facto colony, using it as a marketplace for US imports and exploiting its resources. As is true of the Bahamas today, rich Americans treated Cuba as a playground. After the US embargoed Cuba because of its socialist revolution, the country was no longer able to import American-made cars. Today, Black Cubans maintain classic cars that were built by Black people in American auto plants. While “tourists love the cars in Havana” (361), Perry cautions readers not to romanticize the past: “You can in fact delude yourself into believing you are back inside the time of Jim Crow Cuba, or the United States” (361).

When Perry and her tour guide are refused entry into a club that writer Ernest Hemingway once patronized, she is reminded that racial hierarchies persist in Cuba thanks to the “residues” of imperialism and enslavement: “[…] no matter where you are, the Blacker you are, the lower your status, and any sort of Blackness at all can sometimes serve as a reason to kick you out” (364-65). The color line is not confined to the American South. Perry meets a young woman who is West African by birth but grew up in the US and then emigrated to Cuba. She tells Perry that the police in Cuba target Black people, too, and wealthy white people live in luxury. Perry explains the historical reason for these disparities, despite the socialist revolution:

[…] wealthy White Cubans fled the revolution and were re-baptized White in the US and have fed inequality on the island by sending money to their relatives. Meanwhile others have to make do with resources that are limited because of the endless embargo, the ongoing fallout of the end of the Soviet Union, and the steady global erosion of socialist possibility. Even if a nation isn’t capitalist, the global marketplace is (369).

Perry also visits a Black American in exile. The two discuss a range of topics from politics to music, alternating between Spanish and English: “Inside her hearth was a slice of Black life that was distinctly US and diasporic at once” (371). Identifying as a New Afrikan, this woman sees herself as a daughter of the Southern diaspora who is tasked with healing the damage wrought by colonialism and enslavement. She passes the banner of being an elder to Perry.

Chapter 18 Summary: “Conclusion”

In 2020, Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin killed George Floyd when he kneeled on Floyd’s neck for almost 10 minutes. As he suffered at the hands of police, Floyd let out a southern cry for his mother. Though he died in Minneapolis, Floyd was a native of Houston, Texas.

Perry suggests that Houston is integral to the lives of all Americans because it provides us with “mobility” (377); this was a contributing factor in Floyd’s death, since he left Houston seeking a better life in the North. Houston grew and flourished because of oil. This industry and the city’s cotton exchange drew the working class, including Black Southerners, to Houston during the Great Migration. Today, Houston has the largest Black population in the US. Houston’s devotion to oil, however, “also created desires that would become desperation” (378). The US intervenes frequently in the political affairs of foreign powers because of it. Immigrants from Latin America came to the city to fill the labor void during World War I and II, and by the 1980s the modern demographic landscape of the city formed. Houston is now the most diverse city in the US.

Tobe Nwigwe, a Nigerian American and Houstonian rapper, paid tribute to Taylor, Floyd, and other victims of police violence and brought “an earnest and hopeful” note to his 2021 BET Awards appearance (381). Perry asks, “Isn’t that what we want, that irrepressible hope?” (381). She concludes that if Americans want their country to be great, they must look to the South.

Part 3, Chapters 16-18 Analysis

The final chapters of South to America explore the South’s connection to the African diaspora in the Caribbean more deeply as Perry visits Cuba and the Bahamas. She makes note of what distinguishes these places from the American South as she explores her discomforts as an upper-middle-class African American traveler who does not instantly connect with others over their shared Blackness. Yet Perry also explains the commonalities that make the Caribbean and the Southern US a single region, giving particular attention to the role of colonialism and imperialism in creating this bond. She ends her essay collection in Houston, a diverse metropolis that provides another example of the Deep South’s inequality but also inspires her reflections on possibility.

In New Orleans, Perry reflects on the city’s colonial legacy and the reminders of enslavement that surround her. Physical structures from that era remain standing, such as the Bourbon Orleans Hotel’s former ballroom that was a base for the racist and exploitative system of plaçage that originated with the French. The United Fruit Company building is also a reminder of the city’s colonialism and its ties to the wider world. This company and others like it engaged in their own colonial practices that created exploitative and undemocratic puppet governments in Latin America.

Historians question where to place Louisiana’s neighbor, Texas, in the human geography of the US. Some consider it a Western state while others refer to it as part of the South, but this placement is dependent upon what part of the state one considers. Houston is a decidedly Southern city with links to nearby Louisiana. For example, both Houston and New Orleans have populations of Vietnamese immigrants and their descendants who came to the Gulf Coast to work in the shrimping industry and as refugees of the Vietnam War. When Hurricane Katrina displaced residents of New Orleans in 2005, many of them took refuge in Houston and stayed there. Furthermore, 25% of the city’s population was born outside the US. Houston is the most diverse American city and includes a sizeable population of immigrants from Mexico and Central America. The city is also home to a Caribbean community and a number of Nigerian and Nigerian American residents. It is also George Floyd’s hometown. Minneapolis police murdered Floyd in 2020, an act that was caught on camera, viewed all over the globe, and led to a summer of protests against racism and police brutality. Floyd’s death is a reminder that racist violence is institutional, systemic, and not restricted to the South. It is also a reminder of the persistent and unending fight for equity in the US.

In Havana, Perry visits a Black woman living in exile from the US. This woman embodies much of what the final chapters of South to America are about: living in exile, a longing for home, and Black resistance. This woman elder reminds Perry, “We do not go gently into the night; we spend the final years and days imparting everything we have learned to make this thing survivable. We teach people how to live with the daily heartbreak on your chest, and still laugh [...]” (373). These lines encapsulate the essence and purpose of South to America: Perry finds both pain and the drive to continue working for progress in the people she meets in the US and Global South.

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