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47 pages 1 hour read

Jon Ronson

So You've Been Publicly Shamed

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “Gd That Was Awesome”

Chapter 4 is divided between two sets of anecdotes. The chapter opens with the story of Justice Sacco, a public relations specialist who, on December 20, 2013, tweeted “Going to Africa. Hope I don’t get AIDS. Just kidding. I’m white!” (64). She then got on an 11-hour flight to South Africa. During that time, her tweet went viral and she became subject to a social media shaming because the tweet was seen as racist. As a result, she lost her job. Ronson meets with Sacco and describes her as “destroyed” by the online firestorm. He describes her as “neither especially privileged nor a racist” (72), and Sacco describes to Ronson how much self-hate and despair she feels in the aftermath of the event.

Ronson then goes to meet with Judge Allen Poe, who was then a Congressman for the 2nd district of Texas. As a judge, Poe was infamous for his unusual public shaming sentences. For example, he sentenced a drunk driver who killed two people to walk along the highway with a placard describing his crime. This drunk driver credits Poe’s methods with helping him turn his life around. Poe agrees with Ronson, however, that social media shaming is worse because it’s anonymous, lawless, and more vicious.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Man Descends Several Rungs in the Ladder of Civilization”

Ronson begins Chapter 5 with a brief discussion of his experience of the London riots of 2011, which occurred near his home, and a general description of mob violence. He decides to investigate the scientific foundations of group madness, which has its origins in the research of 19th-century French doctor Gustave Le Bon. According to historian Bob Nye, Le Bon was traumatized by the Paris uprisings in 1871 and decided to prove that revolutionary uprisings were a form of madness. Le Bon used pseudoscientific methods, such as measuring the volume of skulls, to make his claims, which were rejected by Parisian anthropologists. Refusing to concede, Le Bon abandoned scientific methods, relying instead on sociology and psychology, and published the seminal book The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind in 1895. The Crowd describes how crowds are irrational and their moods contagious. This concept later becomes known as “deindividuation” (94).

Twentieth-century psychologist Philip Zimbardo decided to study deindividuation in his infamous Standford Prison Experiment. In this experiment, groups of Stanford undergrads were assigned roles of either prison guard or prisoner. Within days, Zimbardo claims, the prison guards were abusing the prisoners. Ronson interviews some of the participants in this experiment, and they cast doubt on Zimbardo’s findings. The most violent “prison guard,” Dave Eschelman, says he was just acting like a character from the film Cool Hand Luke to please Zimbardo. Zimbardo contests Eschelman’s account, saying he decided to act cruelly of his own volition. Ronson then cites Peter Gray, a psychologist at Boston College, who explains why he finds Zimbardo’s findings unconvincing. Ronson concludes that even if the motivation for mob behavior wasn’t group “madness” but rather the desire to please or to exact justice, it is still troubling.

Chapter 6 Summary: “Doing Something Good”

In Chapter 6, Ronson investigates the case of social media shaming involving two tech developers, “Hank” (a pseudonym) and Adria Richards. At a conference in Santa Clara, Richards overhears Hank making sexually charged jokes with a friend. She complains to the conference organizers and tweets a picture of him and his friend. Hank apologizes online for his behavior and explains he was fired for it. As a result, Richards herself is attacked online for complaining about Hank, including rape and death threats, and is later fired. Ronson then interviews Mercedes, one of the 4chan (an online message board) members who attacked Richards. Mercedes connects the desire to enact online justice with the injustice she faces in her own life at the hands of the police, such as that caused by the New York Police Department’s “Stop and Frisk” policies (116-17). Ronson notes that pop-science author Malcolm Gladwell had supported Stop and Frisk policies in the New Yorker based on faulty evidence, a topic about which Ronson himself had questioned Gladwell.

Mercedes describes why it feels good to take down “rich white [people]” (121) like Justine Sacco when you are poor and/or from a historically underrepresented racial or ethnic background. Ronson asks Mercedes why so much of the social media shaming directed at women uses misogynistic language and threats. She replies that for men, the worst thing that can happen is that they lose their jobs, whereas for women, it is to be raped.

Ronson follows up with Hank and Richards. Hank says he feels badly about what happened to Richards, whereas Richards has no remorse. Hank has a new job, whereas Richards does not. Ronson asks Richards whether her actions were connected to her difficult childhood relationship with her father, which she denies. This leads Ronson to reflect on how justified he felt when, A. A. Gill, a writer who had poorly reviewed him, was shamed on social media for killing a baboon, and how it is possibly connected to Ronson’s desire for revenge against his school bullies.

Chapters 4-6 Analysis

This section covers two anecdotes that deal with social media public shaming, as differentiated from the traditional media public shaming covered in the story of Moynihan and Lehrer. This highlights the theme of Shaming in Print and Social Media. The section also discusses the psychological research that underpins the popular understanding of what causes mob behavior and how this research is either fraudulent, of dubious quality, or at the very least inconclusive. In these chapters, Ronson also begins to explore the similarities and differences between the traditional justice system and justice as enacted by the crowd, known as “mob justice,” that is now mediated by online platforms.

The case of Justine Sacco is at the core of Ronson’s analysis of online shaming events, and he returns to it several times throughout the text. This section highlights Causes and Effects of Shame and Humiliation. Here, Ronson shifts from analyzing public shamings as something done by others (i.e., reporters) to something he ascribes to society at large. To emphasize this, here and elsewhere in the text, he uses first-person plural pronouns (we, our, and us) to characterize events, as in “Justine Sacco felt like the first person I had ever interviewed who had been destroyed by us” (67) (emphasis in the original). This sentence also contains one of the verbs Ronson returns to frequently in the text, “destroy.” He uses this word to describe the effects of online public shamings on their targets. “Destroy” is a word with strong negative connotations and a finality that underscores how seriously Ronson takes the effects of being a target of social media shaming.

Later in the chapter, he meets with the unconventional Judge Poe, who is known for his sentences that involve acts of public shaming. This is how Ronson introduces a point of comparison he returns to throughout the text between the criminal justice system, which involves due process—meaning the set of rules and procedures governing how crimes, evidence, and sentencing are evaluated—and social media justice, which is anarchic. To sum up his feeling on the difference between these two systems, Ronson notes, “We are more frightening than you” (85) (emphasis in the original). From this comparison, Ronson finds the criminal justice system more capable of conducting a fair evaluation of transgressions than the social media environment.

In this section, Ronson also begins to analyze why people participate in mob justice or mass online shaming. The psychological research he explores is inconclusive in its findings, and he does not find any definitive conclusions in either Le Bon’s research on “crowd madness” or in Zimbardo’s research on deindividuation. He notes his contradictory feelings in conducting his work: “it was the desire to do good that had propelled [him] on” (104), nevertheless, he ascribes his motivation as “coming from some very weird dark well” (104). To illustrate this “desire to do good,” he covers the case of Hank and Adria Richards, as Richards is firm in her feeling that she was doing good. A similar feeling is expressed by Mercedes, a poster on 4chan who also participated in social media shaming to achieve justice. Throughout, Ronson sympathizes and relates to his interview subjects, identifying elements of their behavior in which he has also taken part. This has the effect of humanizing them while also underlining Ronson’s own remorse about his behavior online.

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