logo

52 pages 1 hour read

Robert B. Reich

Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Themes

Widening Economic Inequality in the United States

The phenomenon of widening economic inequality in America is the overarching theme running throughout Saving Capitalism. Reich emphasizes the significance of this theme in his Introduction and elaborates on it in subsequent chapters, progressively building the supporting evidence and argument. Reich sees widening inequality as a sign and symptom of an unbalanced power system: He traces the reasons for this and suggests remedies. Solving this problem is the main purpose of his book, as evidenced by his subtitle, “For the Many, Not the Few.”

Defined as the unequal distribution of income and economic opportunity in society, economic inequality is a worldwide issue. In recent decades, it has become a significant characteristic of the American economic system, and the US is the most economically unequal nation in the G7. Much of Reich’s work on this theme relies on providing evidence to debunk popular myths on the existence of American equality (both economic and democratic), economic and social mobility, and opportunities available for all. It is part of his key purpose to show that the ideals of democratic civilization are being undermined in practice by a pervasive system that serves the interests of those at the top. Reich explains that for three decades after World War II, the wages for typical American workers doubled, “just as the size of the American economy doubled” (xi). Over the last three decades, the size of the economy doubled again, but the typical worker’s wages stayed the same. To put this in perspective, the CEOs of large corporations in the decades after World War II earned roughly 20 times what their typical employee earned, but now that has skyrocketed to more than 200 times the pay of their typical worker. By comparing these two eras, Reich makes an argument about the negative trajectory and the disparate generational experiences of Americans while also demonstrating that wide inequality is not essentially “American.” In seeking reasons, Reich points specifically to “the increasing concentration of political power in a corporate and financial elite that has been able to influence the rules by which the economy runs” (xiii). Wealthy individuals disproportionately influence market rules, and Wall Street directly funds and lobbies policy makers. These structural inequalities are essential to Reich’s argument and the book’s intersectionality between economic and democratic values. For Reich, the widening of inequality is the result of elite self-interest that undermines the democratic ideals and functions of the Unites States.

In Chapter 3, Reich tackles the common argument that “the expanding freedom of corporations to do what they want may theoretically enlarge the economic pie for everyone” (13). This theory is also known as the “trickle-down” effect and is the argument that wealth at the top gradually makes its way to those further down in the economy. Reich points out that this “freedom” has in fact enabled those at the top to enlarge their portions while making the portions of others smaller, thereby accelerating inequality. Wages for typical American workers have frozen, wealth has become concentrated among a tiny minority, and compensation for CEOs has skyrocketed. It is a key part of Reich’s argument here that the experiment of de-regulation and market freedom has been shown over decades not to achieve the stated aim of increased shared prosperity. This failure has not been exposed in economic and political discourse, however, because to do so does not serve the interest of those who shape the system.

Consequently, there has been a drastic increase in a group classified as the working poor—people who work full-time jobs but still live in poverty. According to Reich, until quite recently, “it was rare for a full-time worker to be in poverty” because of the plethora of secure, well-paying, middle-class jobs (133). The rise of the working poor can be simply attributed to dropping wages, but Reich is interested in interrogating the causes of this drop, especially when national wealth overall has grown. The increase in poverty is therefore not a symptom of a general downturn but of inequality. This is borne out by the rise of the non-working rich. In both cases, Reich sees these groups as evidence that the capitalist value system of work and reward is broken due to the increasing concentration of power and wealth. Reich argues that corporate and political forces have worked hard to prevent both unionization and the minimum wage from being raised to offset raises in the cost of living. Simultaneously, wealthy individuals have lobbied to reduce their tax liabilities, including inheritance tax. Again, Reich relies on data and evidence to support his theme, pointing out that “by 2014 six of the ten wealthiest Americans were heirs […] The six Walmart heirs together had more wealth than the bottom 42% of Americans combined” (213). It is significant here that these people are “heirs” and not self-made, as this speaks to potentially undeserved wealth and influence. Reich encourages the reader’s astonishment and indignation with the data that clearly shows how massively skewed the distribution of wealth is in America, supporting his portrayal of inequality as a negative phenomenon for the vast majority of American citizens.

The Influence of Money in Politics

The influence of money in politics is another major theme running throughout Saving Capitalism. Reich addresses this issue many times throughout the book to analyze the overlap between economic and political power, the direct influence of the wealthy as lobbyists and political donors, and the mutual vested interests of the political and economic elite to keep both money and power in their own control.

In Chapter 3, Reich examines the nature of economic influence over policy making:

As income and wealth have concentrated at the top, political power has moved there as well. Money and power are inextricably linked. And with power has come influence over the market mechanism. The invisible hand of the marketplace is connected to a wealthy and muscular arm (11).

The nature of shared vested interest is clear and shapes a market that is anything but “free” in its forces.

Reich references the 2010 Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that ruled that, under the First Amendment, corporations are people and entitled to free speech in the form of unlimited campaign spending on political advertisements (11). Reich highlights this as a means by which wealthy corporations can have huge influence on political discourse and policy, especially when compared to the ordinary citizen.

In addition to enormous campaign contributions made by corporations, the influence of money in politics can be seen and felt most through the close connections that Wall Street banks have with elected officials. In Chapter 12, Reich argues that huge political donations paid by Wall Street to current and future policy makers account directly for the huge influence that Wall Street is accorded by Washington. Not only do Wall Street banks fund major political candidates with enormous donations, but they also have strong connections because of what Reich calls the “revolving door.” What he means is that elected officials frequently are handed jobs on Wall Street when their terms in office conclude, and vice versa.

Wealthy individuals also directly influence political decisions. In Chapter 18, Reich points out that wealthy individuals “have accounted for a growing share of contributions to candidates from both parties” (177). He also shows how standard this process has become as a means for the wealthy to exercise power: In 2012, no fewer than 388 of the 400 richest Americans made political contributions, accounting for “40 of the 155 contributions of $1 million or more” (178). Money affords individual citizens political access and decision-making influence that is not available to other, ordinary citizens. Moreover, “the rich have quite different priorities from average Americans,” causing this disparity to further deprioritize the needs and rights of the majority (178).

Although all these practices are legal, Reich portrays them as deeply undemocratic and a form of legalized corruption, where corporations, wealthy individuals, and politicians buy or trade favors. This “vicious cycle,” he suggests, is only legal because the rules have been made to serve the interests of the rule makers. As a result, when Reich lays out a vision for restoring countervailing power, he argues that the first step should be to “reform the nation’s system of campaign finance in order to get big money out of politics” (191).

The Myths of Meritocracy and the Free Market

The myths of the free market and meritocracy is another theme present in Saving Capitalism. “Free market” is the term used for the principle that underpins the economic system in capitalist societies. It is a pro-competitive system in which privately owned businesses compete with one another with only slight restrictions. In practice, different capitalist societies adopt different approaches to the balance between freedoms and restrictions, and this can change over time. Globally, America has generally inclined toward free markets and deregulation, especially as compared to Europe. Reich is a lifelong proponent of labor laws, financial and market regulation, and equality interventions, making him an outlier in mainstream American discourse: His presentation of this theme reflects his opinions.

In most models, free market competition is seen as opposite to regulation, known in the US as “big government.” For many years, Reich shows, a debate has raged that pits the free market system versus government. Immediately in Chapter 1, Reich disregards this debate as a fallacy because it overlooks the fact that the free market is a set of rules that are established by government and powerful influences on the government (as discussed in The Influence of Money on Politics). He argues that “few ideas have more profoundly poisoned the minds of more people than the notion of a ‘free market’ existing somewhere in the universe, into which government intrudes” (3). In Chapter 6, he expands his argument:

When large corporations have disproportionate power—not only over what’s sold, but also over the rules for deciding what contracts are permissible and enforceable by law—those who are relatively powerless have no choice. The ‘free market’ is not, in this sense, free. It offers no practical alternative (58).

Here, Reich gets to the heart of what it means to be “free,” an essential part of American personal and national identity. He highlights the dichotomy that “free market” rhetoric in fact reduces the freedoms and fairness of the system for the majority of parties because the majority wield less power than the “disproportionate” few.

Reich also seeks to challenge the prevailing idea that America’s capitalist system is a meritocracy, in which people are judged and rewarded based on ability, talent, or work ethic. This is a recurrent strand, discussed most clearly in Chapters 10, 15, and 16. Reich establishes his premise: The notion that workers are paid according to their worth in the free market is one that has existed for some time, but the fact that workers in the same job as half a century ago suddenly live in poverty fails to make sense. According to Reich, the “free market” serves as a smoke screen to hide reality. He argues that the concept of financial meritocracy is damaging when the majority of workers have little or no control over their remuneration. It means that “[t]hose who are paid very little for their work are assumed to be ‘worth’ no more than they receive, and those who are paid a great deal are assumed to be worth no less” (156).

Reich here exposes the value judgments assumed by the system, even when low-paid workers may well work harder and in objectively less desirable jobs than high-paid workers. His argument reveals the self-fulfilling prophecy of the meritocratic myth when opportunity is not equal and the distasteful effect that this has on perceptions of citizens’ innate equality of value. He shows that the working poor and the non-working rich disprove the notion that American capitalism is a meritocracy: The overwhelming majority of the working poor are employed in full-time jobs, and the vast majority of the non-working rich are not employed at all and mostly have inherited great wealth. Reich points out that “the ‘self-made’ man or woman, the symbol of American meritocracy, is disappearing” (144). This is crucial to his argument, as it shows that the ability of the individual to better themselves through hard work is diminished by America’s current model of capitalism, not enhanced by it.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text