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48 pages 1 hour read

Tracy Kidder

Rough Sleepers: Dr. Jim O'Connell’s Urgent Mission to Bring Healing to Homeless People

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2023

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Part 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3: “The Pantheon”

Part 3, Chapter 1 Summary

Kidder details the realities of houselessness: contributing factors, the rising rates across the US, and the demographics that make up the unhoused population in the US. Houselessness rose sharply in the 1980s. This happened for several reasons—veteran aid programs that didn’t provide sufficient support for men returning from Vietnam, the closure of affordable housing and asylums across the United States, complicated disability policies, and racist housing policies like redlining (See: Index of Terms).

Kidder reports how racist policies from the Reagan administration that targeted Black mothers on welfare contributed to the rise of houselessness. Kidder notes that Reagan placed the responsibility of houselessness on people who were unhoused in public interviews. Kidder details the practices and policies that contributed to the sharp rise of houselessness during Reagan’s presidency.

Kidder details the statistics currently available about the number of unhoused people—about 500,000 to 600,000 in the US—and why these figures are most likely inaccurate. Houselessness is complex with a range of circumstances. Kidder writes that statistics don’t capture people who are in detox, couch surfing, or in jail or the hospital. Houselessness, Kidder writes, is “much larger than usually asserted, and no one [knows] its real dimensions” (55). Houselessness is therefore complex to diagnose and even more complex to solve.

Kidder includes a taxonomy that describes the categories that make up the definition of houselessness. There is a “hidden” category, which includes people who sleep in places like storage lockers. “Transitional” houselessness refers to people who fall into houselessness briefly, and “episodic” refers to people who are unhoused a few times throughout the year. The final category is “chronic” houselessness, which refers to people living in a perpetual state of houselessness. Of the chronically unhoused in Boston, less than 5% are rough sleepers. These are the patients the Street Team treats. Kidder reports that “two-thirds [are] white, 70% [are] men, all [are] adults, about half of them between eighteen and forty-four years old” and that all die at 10 times the normal rate (56). For this reason, Jim consistently works with the Street Team regardless of the Health Care for the Homeless Program’s growth.

Part 3, Chapter 2 Summary

Jim meets Tony (Anthony) Columbo in 2016 while working at the Street Clinic—a clinic for unhoused people to receive medical treatment at Massachusetts General Hospital. Dr. Jim notices Tony’s large stature and sees that he is sweating while wearing layers of clothing. Tony tells Jim that he served 20 years in prison and has been living on the streets since. Jim asks if he uses drugs, and Tony replies that he’s been taking Suboxone, a narcotics therapy used to help people quit opiates. The reason he’s being seen today is for a new prescription, which Jim writes and then pays for. The script costs $120. Jim often gives money to his clients. He feels conflicted about prescribing the drug, but Tony tells him he usually avoids clinics for this reason. Jim decides to write the prescription so Tony will hopefully continue care.

Part 3, Chapter 3 Summary

The Street Team meets twice a week—once on Mondays for long meetings to review their patients and again on Thursdays, ahead of the Street Clinic. The team fluctuates but usually includes psychiatrists, nurses, doctors, recovery coaches, administrators, and assistants. The team reviews their caseload—including their patients’ ailments, decisions, and current circumstances. Jim also uses this opportunity to help members of the Street Team learn the same lessons Barbara McInnis has taught him—those of compassion and patience. One key member of the Street Team, a psychiatrist named Dr. Bonnar, shares with Kidder that 90% of the patients treated by the street team “ha[ve] been afflicted by substance abuse or mental illness or both. And at least 75% ha[ve] suffered the physical and psychological effects of severe childhood trauma” (72). Kidder reflects that, even though Jim and his team are working against these statistics, repair is possible.

Part 3, Chapter 4 Summary

Jim meets with Tony again a year later. Tony expounds on Jim’s admirable qualities—calling him the cornerstone of the Health Care for the Homeless Program and professing his respect for him. As Jim treats Tony, Kidder details the many struggles Tony faces, like losing all forms of his identification—and the wisdom he possesses about drug use and life on the streets, such as knowing which drugs are most popular. Jim consults Tony about which drugs are being used in various cocktails to better treat his patients.

Jim also reflects on two college professors who were driven to houselessness because of mental illness. These men, Harrison and David were, according to Jim, the smartest people he’d ever met. Jim didn’t think he’d grow as close to another patient. Tony, however, is different.

Part 3, Chapter 5 Summary

Kidder describes an annual memorial the Street Team holds for patients who have died within the year. Jim, and the many unhoused people they treat, hold the memorial in a concrete area on the grounds of Mass General, which is named Mousey Park after a man who’d slept there for many years. Kidder records the picturesque scene as Tony attempts to conceal alcohol from Jim, whose hair blows in the wind.

Part 3 Analysis

Kidder explores the facets of houselessness and the ways the Health Care for the Homeless Program works to meet them. The factors that contribute to houselessness are varied—so the programs that aid in solving it must also be. Over time, the program realizes that, to treat their patients, they must treat them holistically. This exemplifies The Importance of Direct Action: By gathering a team of professionals that can meet varying needs, the medical team sets their patients up for greater success. The program believes in mutual aid, which relies on the resources available in any given community and believes that community-based support is the best way to aid individuals who are struggling within any given society.

In the book, capitalism and gentrification lead to people losing their homes.

Kidder shows how urbanization on behalf of state representatives or private institutions has a long history of contributing to houselessness and poverty in the US. An example of such a practice is the Cross Bronx Expressway, initiated by Robert Moses, the former secretary of state of New York. The highway displaced “60,000 residents since its construction in 1955” according to a 2022 article written by the Consortium for Sustainable Urbanization (“Transforming the Cross Bronx Expressway.” Consortium for Sustainable Urbanization). This is a key example of state interests overriding community needs and the systemic failures that contribute to houselessness.

Kidder explores the importance of seeing patients as individuals. Health Care for the Homeless changes how medicine is practiced—in most Western models, symptoms are treated in isolation. The program, in contrast, identifies singular symptoms as parts of complex medical and mental health histories that require wider attention and are treated as such. The weekly meetings are an example of such holistic care the program works to provide. Because so many people have been abused, neglected, or otherwise harmed by the institutions meant to support them, they self-medicate and distrust most practitioners. The program believes that building relationships and structures can offer healthy means of coping with stress, trauma, and substance abuse. Kidder also shows how Jim blurs boundaries with patients, offering them cash.

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