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Dan ArielyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The predominant view of human nature—a view shared by many traditional economists, policymakers, and laypeople—is that humans are rational and make the right decisions. Through experiments and anecdotes, however, Ariely shows that humans are far less rational than assumed by standard economic theory. Irrational human behavior is also “systemic and predictable” (317), hence the book’s title, Predictably Irrational.
There are forces, tied to the brain’s wiring, that deeply influence human behavior. Despite the power of these forces, people tend to underestimate or ignore them. These forces are what cause us to repeat mistakes in predictably irrational ways: “In essence, we are limited to the tools nature has given us, and the natural way in which we make decisions is limited by the quality and accuracy of these tools” (321).
Most of his book examines the forces that contribute to poor decisions. For example, early 1990s federal securities regulators forced companies for the first time to openly publish top executives’ pay, bonuses, and benefits. By revealing these details, regulators hoped to stop excessive executive compensation—but the salaries further skyrocketed. Illustrating the force of relativity, CEOs were now able to see their peers’ pay, and they could compare their own compensation and negotiate for more money. If federal securities regulators had understood the psychological import of relativity, they might have created a policy that circumvented this behavior.
The concept of zero also presents predictable irrationality. People are more likely to select a calorie-free beer than a one-calorie beer, though the calorie difference is negligible. People also might go to a museum on its free-entrance day, even knowing that the lines will be long, it will be overcrowded, and it will be hard to see the exhibits. FREE! is an emotional hot button, one that is often irresistible.
Predictably irrational behavior is not always bad. Even while placebo experiments might compromise subjects’ health, these experiments determine treatment efficacy. Cardiologists spent decades tying up the internal mammary artery to reduce chest pain—until a scientifically controlled surgical trial, which included a placebo surgery, demonstrated this treatment only provided short-term relief, contrary to medical understanding. While the placebo effect is irrational, it advances research and improves the quality of life for many.
One of the key differences between standard economic theory and behavioral economics is the concept of free lunches. According to standard economic theory, humans understand all the possibilities related to a decision, and “everyone in the marketplace is trying to maximize profit and striving to optimize his experiences” (318). There are no free lunches; if there were, someone would have already monopolized all their value.
In contrast, behavioral economics assumes humans are susceptible to influence and make systemic and predictable mistakes. These mistakes are opportunities for someone to learn and improve their decisions (free lunches).
Ariely provides some ideas for how individuals, businesses, and policymakers might correct their predictably irrational decisions. For example, preventive medicine is more cost-effective for individuals and society, yet people often delay checkups. While society would likely “be healthier if the health police arrived in a van and took procrastinators to the ministry of cholesterol control for blood tests” (148), such regulations would not be popular. Ariely suggests that doctors charge an up-front deposit for medical tests, refundable only if the person attends the appointment. Committing to a deposit might motivate individuals to take responsibility rather than procrastinate.
Policymakers might also consider FREE! for driving social change, given the excitement free items create. Eliminating (rather than lowering) registration and inspection fees for electric cars might encourage more people to purchase them. Similarly, fully eliminating co-pays for regular mammograms, cholesterol checks, colonoscopies, and diabetes checks might ensure people to regularly see a doctor.
Humans are not helpless. By understanding “when and where we make erroneous decisions, we can try to be more vigilant, force ourselves to think differently about these decisions, or use technology to overcome our inherent shortcomings” (322).
Humans are caring social animals—until cash is introduced. Lawyers are more willing to offer free services to community members in need than offer these same services at discounted costs. People will limit themselves when offered free candy or homemade cookies compared to when they can purchase these items. As soon as cash is involved, humans stop caring about others and become opportunistic.
Ariely believes the reason cash is strange is that people live in two different worlds: one of social norms and the other of market norms. In the former world, the human need for community dominates, and reciprocity, or paybacks, are not immediately necessary. In the latter world, self-reliance and individualism reign, and exchanges always involve payment. Mixing these two worlds results in discord and irrational behavior.
While Ariely does not believe market norms are entirely dispensable, he does believe “life with fewer market norms and more social norms would be more satisfying, creative, fulfilling, and fun” (95). For example, volunteering includes no market compensation. In their daily lives, people often participate in such exchanges, including recycling or volunteering some kind of community service. It makes little economic sense to do these activities for free, but investing effort rather than cash keeps these types of exchanges in the realm of social norms, which is important for community cohesion and wellbeing. Ariely thus suggests figuring out “how to get people to switch from paying for services to investing more of their own efforts” (114).
Cash is also strange because when people deal with money, they are less likely to be dishonest. As Ariely demonstrated with several experiments and anecdotes, when provided the opportunity, humans will cheat. However, they cheat far more with nonmonetary than monetary items. As the world continues to move away from cash, it is more important than ever to recognize cheating escalates “once cash is one step away” (308). Failure to address this pattern will only further dismantle societal trust.