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44 pages 1 hour read

Matthew Desmond

Poverty, by America

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Chapters 3-4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “How We Undercut Workers”

Chapter 3 begins by noting that while the most common explanation for poverty is the moral failings of the poor, there are also explanations based on social structures beyond anyone’s control. For example, the shift away from a manufacturing-based economy was harmful for many workers, but this is usually described as a natural evolution in the economy and not a policy choice.

However, social structures are the byproduct of human agency, and in a system where someone is being exploited, someone else is benefiting from that exploitation, regardless of whether they know it or intend it. The citizens of a liberal society do not wish to think of themselves as exploitative, but there are many methods for profiting off of the poor and desperate, such as by paying undocumented migrants beneath the minimum wage. Desmond tells the story of Julio Payes, who worked two full-time minimum wage jobs until he collapsed from exhaustion. Economists have long held that low wages are necessary for companies to retain workers, but new evidence is starting to show that increases have minimal or even positive effects on employment.

In previous decades, unions were sufficiently powerful to ensure fair wages, although they were also dominated by white men. As manufacturing jobs moved overseas, unions weakened, and now many companies take active measures to prevent their employees from organizing. As workers lost their bargaining power, wages and conditions either stayed flat or declined in real terms. Starting in the 1990s, only half of Americans could expect to make more than their parents had made. Lower-paying jobs are often dismissed as “unskilled,” and it is commonly argued that more education will lead to better opportunities. Nevertheless, as more Americans have entered college, the number of well-paying jobs has gone down and poverty has gone up.

Poverty cannot be an inevitable byproduct of capitalism if conditions were better in the recent past and other capitalist countries have better standards of living. The rise of the “gig economy” based around temporary and task-based work pays little while also preventing workers from receiving benefits or even minimum-wage guarantees. Corporations have amassed tremendous power and influence in Washington that allows them to keep wages low while extracting maximum productivity from their employees. They ensure that the government remains the primary source of health insurance and other benefits so that they do not have to provide them.

Everyday people benefit from the suppression of wages. Most Americans participate in the stock market, and a company that tries to raise wages will see its stock prices plunge. Consumers benefit from the low wages of Uber drivers and Amazon warehouse workers. Companies make performative statements about their political values, which draw attention away from their poor labor standards.

Returning to Julio Payes, Desmond recounts how he joined a campaign for a living wage in his hometown of Emeryville, California, and when it passed, he was able to work far fewer hours and improve his health. More humane conditions make workers more productive, happier, healthier, and able to make better life choices.

Chapter 4 Summary: “How We Force the Poor to Pay More”

Chapter 4 looks at the flipside of the previous chapter. Having discussed how people earn less than the value of their work, Desmond now turns to being charged more than something is worth.

Rents have often served as a prime tool for the exploitation of the urban poor, where those with the fewest options (such as Black renters) are charged the highest rates. Rental costs have skyrocketed in the previous two decades, partly due to an insufficient housing supply but also because there is a large percentage of vacancies. Desmond found that landlords on average make a greater profit off of poorer tenants, even after adjusting for the costs of maintenance and losses from missed payments. This is because for poorer people with few options, landlords can spend much less on maintenance while charging only slightly less rent. Those making their main income from rental properties have every incentive to maximize profits. With banks unwilling to provide mortgages for low-income families, especially families of color, and any previous history of default or eviction constricting their choices still further, people have to take what they can get, and quickly.

Banks also contribute to the problem with service charges and overdraft fees, which overwhelmingly target the poor. Banks have also abandoned Black communities and left them at the mercy of often predatory operations, such as payday loan stores. The poor often have to pay just to access their own money, but they frequently have no choice but to seek an immediate gain at an exorbitant long-term cost. In general, the poor are victims of “predatory inclusion,” whereby they gain access to assets that normally provide entry into the middle class but only compound their marginalization.

The result is a two-tiered system of housing and banking for the poor and another for everyone else. Those who benefit from owning a home and a bank account cannot comprehend how those same institutions could contribute to the misery of others because they never see how those institutions work for the less fortunate. Poverty deprives people of choices, rendering them still more susceptible to exploitation. Policy discussions of poverty need to understand not only why so many remain poor but also who benefits from their condition.

Chapters 3-4 Analysis

In these chapters, Desmond touches on a special aspect of The Importance of Poverty Abolitionism by demonstrating how poverty is rooted in societal and political structures that both trap people in cycles of poverty and make it very difficult to get out of poverty. On one hand, Desmond explores the declining power of workers in the labor market, who are fighting for fewer and fewer well-paid opportunities while often succumbing to the precariousness and low wages of the “gig economy.” On the other hand, he emphasizes how low-paid workers struggle to maintain a decent standard of living and to work their way out of poverty because so many necessary goods and services cost far more than they should.

Ideally, a free market should promote convergence between the price of an asset and its value. The primary determinant of both is the law of supply and demand, where the relative scarcity of products or services compared to the number and intensity of willing buyers determines the relative power of buyers and sellers. Something that is inexpensive to produce is likely to have stiff competition in the market from similar products, and so the buyer can keep prices low with the threat of taking their business elsewhere. Food and clothing are mass produced, and so even the poor should be able to secure basic needs at a reasonable price given the likelihood of one seller undercutting another, even if it marks a drop in quality. By the same token, the laws of economics hold that a competent worker should be able to receive fair compensation based on the value of their labor. With the right set of skills and willingness to work, they should make their value obvious to an employer, and if their current employment is not paying enough, the threat of taking their work elsewhere should earn them some bargaining power.

In reality, the relationship between consumers and producers, and between employers and employed, is subject to the inefficient distribution of goods and services that opens up a gap between the value something should have under ideal conditions and the actual price affixed to it. The free market presumes a perfect balance of power between labor and capital, but the latter have numerous advantages they can rely on to stack the deck in their favor. Companies may enlist the coercive power of the law to frustrate or suppress workers seeking to improve their condition or flout the law by hiring undocumented migrants whom they can pay sub-market wages. As of 2023, Congress has not raised the federal minimum wage since 2009, leaving millions of workers unable to make enough to compete with inflation and increases in the cost of living. In a post-industrial economy, the bargaining power of workers through unions has declined as work has become more individualized, isolating workers into solitary tasks that make sectoral organization impossible.

Desmond uses the story of Julio Payes to illustrate how these structural issues create and exacerbate poverty. Payes was highly motivated and hardworking and spent a period of time working two full-time minimum wage jobs. In spite of the excessively long hours he worked each week, Payes was still struggling to maintain a decent lifestyle because his wages were so low in a society where the costs of necessities, like housing, are high and ever rising. For all of his dedication, Payes could not work himself out of poverty. As Desmond reveals, it was only when Payes and other campaigners organized and succeeded in securing a living wage in his hometown that Payes’s life significantly improved: He could work normal hours while more easily covering his costs and felt better physically and mentally as a result. Payes’s story thus highlights two important aspects of Desmond’s analysis of poverty: the idea that poverty is a social problem as well as an economic one and that it is rooted in structural inequities that The Myths of Scarcity in American Society seek to obscure.

Likewise, Desmond draws attention to how systems such as the housing market and the banking sector exacerbate poverty by creating two-tier systems that disproportionately disadvantage the poor. In spotlighting how many landlords overcharge poor tenants for substandard properties, he both stresses the high basic living costs shouldered by the poor and exposes the incentives the more privileged classes have for exploiting those in poverty. The banks in turn further complicate the lives of the poor by making it difficult for them to become homeowners instead of renters, as banks are often reluctant to give mortgages to those on a low income, thus trapping them in an unfavorable rental market. Desmond also notes that banks charge service fees and overdraft fees that the poor are most likely to be affected by and also have the least ability to easily pay. As Desmond argues, such structural inequities and biases against those on a low income make securing basic necessities all the more difficult and expensive. In these ways, citizens in poverty are squeezed between wages that are too low to survive on, and systems that make it difficult for them to cover their needs or improve their condition.

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