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76 pages 2 hours read

William Bradford

Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1651

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Book 2, Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Book 2

Book 2, Chapter 4 Summary

Weston's colony continues to struggle, which Bradford attributes to disorganization and lax morals. Some of the settlers there even begin to steal from local tribes, so relations between the settlers and the Native Americans deteriorate. A coalition of tribes colludes to plan an attack on both settlements, but Massasoit reveals the plans to the Pilgrims, who round up and kill some of the "chief conspirators" (74). In the end, the second settlement simply fizzles out since Weston never sends the supplies he promised them. Weston himself does come over, however, and encounters a series of misfortunes including a shipwreck and the theft of all his belongings. As a result, he has no choice but to seek help from the settlers at Plymouth, who take pity on him and give him beaver skins to take back to England: "Thus they helped him when all the world failed him…. […] But he requited them ill, proving himself a bitter enemy upon every opportunity, and never repaying them to this day—except in reproaches and calumnies" (75).

Since the Pilgrims realize they can no longer rely on Weston to send supplies, they decide to try to increase their crop yields by having each family plant and tend their own corn rather than farming a common area. This proves to be a great success, making "all hands very industrious, so that much more corn [is] planted than otherwise would have been by any means the Governor or any other could devise" (76). Nevertheless, food is still in short supply as the Pilgrims wait for their latest harvest to come to fruition.

Meanwhile, ships continue to set sail from England for Plymouth, though not all reach their destination. Storms force one ship to turn around, which proves fortunate since the leader of that expedition later reveals himself to be untrustworthy and power-hungry. A ship under the command of a man named William Pierce does reach Plymouth, accompanied by a "pinnace" (87), or a small ship, for the Pilgrims' use in the colonies. Pierce also brings 60 new settlers, including private individuals unaffiliated with the Leyden congregations. A letter from the investors apologizes for not sending over more of the Leyden congregation but argues that the people they have chosen will prove beneficial to the colony. Cushman, meanwhile, notes in a separate letter that there are many people eager to settle in America and warns that the greatest danger facing the Pilgrims is "corrupt and disorderly persons" (80).

Food is still scarce, so the Pilgrims and the new settlers quickly agree that the latter will rely only on the provisions they brought over with them until their own crops are ready for harvest. In addition, the settlers who came over as private individuals negotiate a contract with the Plymouth government specifying which laws, duties, taxes, etc. they must comply with. Tension soon begins to mount between these two groups, and some of the private settlers return home.

In the autumn of 1622, another ship arrives, carrying a man named Captain Robert Gorges, who had been appointed Governor-General of New England. Georges hopes to establish a new settlement where Weston's people had been. One of Gorges' first actions is to charge Weston both with mismanagement of his colony and with unethical business dealings. Ultimately, Weston is able to escape punishment, in part because arresting him and seizing his ship would mean taking on responsibility for his debts. Gorges himself, meanwhile, eventually returns to England, "as he [does] not find the state of things here correspond to his station and way of life" (86), and the settlement he established fails.

Book 2, Chapter 5 Summary

When the 1623 elections come around, the Pilgrims decide to expand the number of government officials to accommodate the growing size of the colony. Nevertheless, maintaining order proves increasingly challenging, in part because some of the private settlers begin to encourage the "weaker members of the colony" (88) to join them in establishing a new settlement. However, when Bradford offers these Pilgrims the same terms the private settlers enjoy, most decline.

The Pilgrims also continue to have difficulties with their financial backers. A ship returning from England brings supplies and a fishing vessel as well as letters from Cushman and James Sherley warning the Pilgrims that some of the investors are turning against the enterprise. Their concerns are based on the testimony of settlers who have returned to England, whom Bradford says later prove "so confounded that some confessed, and others denied what they had said and ate their words" (91). Nevertheless, Bradford attaches the investors' list of objections, which primarily concern the lack of formal religious services in Plymouth and the colony's climate and conditions. One particularly contentious point is the "want of both the sacraments [of baptism and communion]" (91), which the Pilgrims say would not be an issue if their pastor Robinson were allowed to join them. As two letters from Robinson make clear, however, divisions among the investors make the prospect of raising the funds necessary for his voyage unlikely. Nevertheless, Robinson continues to counsel his congregation from a distance, warning them against seeking conflict with the local tribes.

Despite these difficulties, the colony itself is running more smoothly by 1624. Famine is no longer a problem, which Bradford attributes to changes in the Pilgrims' system of farming—like allocating permanent land holdings to settlers. The colony also profits from the arrival of a ship-builder who constructs several boats for the Pilgrims before falling ill and dying. Nevertheless, other incoming settlers prove troublesome, such as a salt-maker who accomplishes very little but blames the environment and the other settlers for his failures.

Two settlers in particular pose problems for the colony: John Lyford, a minister who recants his earlier beliefs to join the Pilgrims' congregation, and a man named John Oldham—a "stickler in the former faction among the private settlers" (96).Although the Pilgrims welcome both of these men into the fold, Lyford and Oldham quickly begin to stir up discontent in the community. Lyford ultimately attempts to establish a new church, and Bradford responds by bringing both him and Oldham before a court, where he confronts them with letters the Pilgrims have intercepted. These letters lay out Lyford and Oldham's intention to break away from the Pilgrims' congregation, along with justifications for their plan: that the Pilgrims are hostile to any settlers not belonging to their church, that they have attempted to financially sabotage the private settlers, etc.

Oldham and Lyford are both sentenced to expulsion from the colony, but Lyford is first allowed six months' time to reform. However, the Pilgrims soon discover that Lyford has written another letter to the English investors, reiterating his former complaints and recommendations. Ironically, Lyford's actions actually result in the conversion of several of the private settlers since they witness firsthand "Lyford's unjust dealing and malignity" (104).

Book 2, Chapter 6 Summary

In the spring of 1624, Oldham attempts to rejoin Plymouth colony with a group of strangers. The Pilgrims forbid this, and Oldham's followers abandon him after witnessing his rude response to the decision. Lyford, meanwhile, is on the verge of being expelled from the colony when his wife comes forward, "fear[ing] some great judgment of God would fall upon the family, because of her husband; and [that] […] she would fall into the Indians' hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women" (106). As it turns out, Lyford had a child out of wedlock before marrying his wife, and then continued to have affairs afterwards. Two Pilgrims returning from a trip to England confirm this, explaining that Lyford had "defiled" (107) a young woman while working in Ireland. As a result of these revelations, Lyford is forced to leave Plymouth, first joining Oldham elsewhere in Massachusetts and later traveling to Virginia. Oldham, by contrast, eventually does repent in good faith and lives out the rest of his days "decently" (106), first in Virginia and later in Massachusetts.

The events involving Lyford are the last straw for the investors in England, most of whom cut ties with the Pilgrims entirely. However, a handful of friendly backers write to Plymouth, explaining in more detail that the investors' actions are partly the result of financial losses associated with shipwrecks and partly the result of a "faction" (109) that formed against the Pilgrims. Those who remain committed to the settlement send over a number of supplies for the Pilgrims to purchase, as well as two additional ships for the Pilgrims' own use.

In response to these changes, the Pilgrims at Plymouth send a representative—Captain Standish—over to England to negotiate the interest rates on the supplies, as well as to demand that the investors either release the Pilgrims from their contract or abide by it themselves. Standish is able to raise a bit of money and pave the way for an eventual settlement between the Pilgrims and their backers.

In the meantime, Bradford notes that "it please[s] the Lord to give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to bless their labours that they ha[ve] sufficient corn, and some to spare for others" (111). In addition, a trading expedition eastward brings back several hundred pounds worth of beaver skins.

Book 2, Chapters 4-6 Analysis

As the Plymouth colony begins to gain a foothold, financial questions come to supersede matters of purely physical survival. At times, the two go hand-in-hand. The Pilgrims, for instance, initially experiment with private ownership as a way of increasing their crop yields in the face of repeated famines. When this produces good results, the Pilgrims draw a broader economic lesson from the experience. In a lengthy aside, Bradford describes the problems he sees with communal ownership:

For the young men who were most able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend their time and strength in working for other men's wives and children, without any recompense. The strong man or the resourceful man had no more share of food, clothes, etc. than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the other could (76).

By this point, in other words, the Pilgrims are well on their way to advocating something like modern capitalism: they argue in favor of rational self-interest, maintain that hard work will be rewarded, and—though broadly democratic—stop short of endorsing full equality. As Bradford puts it: "If […] all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as another […] abolish[ing] those very relations which God himself has set among men" (76). In fact, historians often credit Calvinist religious groups like the Pilgrims with contributing to the rise of capitalism, particularly in America. The Protestant work ethic is arguably still a driving force in the United States, where financial success is often interpreted as a sign of moral character.

However, even as the Pilgrims' domestic affairs improve, they continue to struggle with their investors, who consistently ignore the Pilgrims' needs while sending additional settlers the Pilgrims don't want. Bradford implies that the investors' actions stem from moral failings including disorganization and, in Weston's case, deceitfulness. The fact that the investors part ways in this section does lend some credence to Bradford's claim that the fault rests on their own shoulders. With that said, it is clearly in Bradford's interest to depict the Pilgrims in a good light, and it is worth noting that some of the investors' concerns with Plymouth were raised by former settlers themselves. Bradford suggests that these complaints are not persuasive given that the settlers later recanted, but this in and of itself speaks to a growing trend in the account, whereby Bradford reveals that anyone discontented with Plymouth was morally suspect to begin with.

This is especially clear in the episode involving Oldham and Lyford. The revelation that Lyford—a minister—fathered a child out of wedlock undermines all his former critiques of Plymouth by casting him as a hypocrite. The critiques themselves, however, seem plausible—particularly the notion that the Pilgrims don't really want anyone outside of their church to settle in Plymouth. Although the Pilgrims insists that they are "willing and desirous that any honest men should live with them" (99), Bradford's own account testifies to the fact that the Pilgrims have been dissatisfied with many of the private settlers. In other words, while the charges against Oldham and Lyford may very well be true, they also have the effect of casting any dissension within Plymouth as malicious slander. Similarly, Bradford frequently suggests that people who cast aspersions on Plymouth (e.g., Oldham), later repented and reformed—the implication being that turning to God and supporting the Pilgrims are the same thing. The fact that the Pilgrims have difficulty accommodating disagreement is rather ironic, given that they themselves left England because of religious persecution.

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