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39 pages 1 hour read

William H. Mcneill

Plagues and Peoples

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1976

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Chapters 5-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 5 Summary: “Transoceanic Exchanges, 1500-1700”

McNeill explains the Atlantic crossing of Europeans to the Americas represented a global ecological transformation:

Consequently, plants and animals from the Old World introduced by Europeans to the Americas often displaced native American species, and disturbed pre-existing ecological balances in explosive and, at least initially, highly unstable ways (209).

However, McNeill warns, evidence and records of the human-scale level of that change must be patched in with a great deal of speculation.

Evidence seems to show that pre-Columbian American disease was trivial compared to the post-Columbian impact. Archeological records show few records of visible disease in fossilized remains, and while written records of famine and crop failure exist, there is little evidence of pestilence. There was less domestication of animals in the Americas, which proved to be a vector for disease in Europe. Additionally, there is good evidence to suggest a thriving and populous American civilization at the time prior to the arrival of Columbus, with population density straining against the full capacity of agricultural infrastructure.

While the Europeans’ macroparasitic (that is to say, human-engineered) effect on the indigenous peoples of the Americas was cruel beyond measure, such cruelty paled in comparison to the microparasites they brought with them and transferred to their victims. McNeill estimates Indigenous population fell by 90% within a single human generation—a near total devastation.

The first wave of disease Europeans brought overseas was smallpox, first recorded in 1518. It swiftly traveled southward from Hispaniola into what is now Mexico, easing Cortez’s conquest of Tenochtitlan and the Aztec mainland. It traveled south through what is now called Guatemala and into the Incan empire through the course of the next decade, leaving it open to Pizarro’s macroparasitic plunder. The cultural impact among the religiously superstitious surviving members on both sides of this conflict seemed to point to divine ordinance; it seems the Gods were involved in this level of devastation.

Measles soon followed smallpox, spreading through Mexico and Peru in the next decade. Typhus followed: As a novel disease both to Europeans and to Amerindians, it took a toll on both sides. An epidemic of influenza in the 1550s devastated 20% of the European population in Europe before following travelers overseas to damage the Americas. This pattern followed Europeans wherever they travelled, so that smallpox followed the English into the Massachusetts Bay in the early 17th century.

The African slave trade was also a source of novel disease in the Americas. Written evidence seems to show that before 1650, Europeans travelled freely in South American waters without fear of malaria. It was only after that when the disease, well known in Africa, became a danger in the Americas. Yellow fever travelled on slave ships by means of the mosquito Ades aegypti, who thrived in the ships’ water casks. These diseases ravaged the Caribbean islands, necessitating the mass macroparasitic transplanting by European slave owners of dying Amerindian by healthy African slave labor.

In contradistinction to the genocidal violence and neglect that took place in the Americas, a different story took place in Eurasia. While still afflicted by macroparasitic death via war and famine, the record indicates that the rate of Eurasian epidemic disease began a process of homogenization, becoming more endemic between 1300 and 1700. In spite of the appearance of new diseases such as syphilis and typhus, by 1700, humans in Eurasia had adapted to a whole host of diseases globalized by increased land and sea travel, and by the technological consolidation of power into fewer and fewer hands, paradoxically making the results of war narrower and therefore less deadly. This 400-year stabilization seemed to happen (to different degrees and at different times) in India, China, and Japan. By 1700, a greater variety of food crops—many imported from the Americas—led to better nutrition. The result was a steady increase in human population.

Chapter 6 Summary: “The Ecological Impact of Medical Science and Organization Since 1700”

For most of human history, the treatment of disease was left to incomplete scientific knowledge handed down from medieval medical philosophers like Galen and Avicenna, and to direct observation and inherited knowledge passed along via folkways. The results were as often harmful as they were helpful, yet with the global homogeneity of disease, and its increasingly endemic nature, more disease presented within living subjects to be observed and compared. With the rise of a professional medical class, and of the university learning structure, doctors began to use sounder medical practices. Paracelsus (1493-1541) was among the first medical observers to reject older, unscientific methods of study and treatment. However, expert medical knowledge did not reach meaningful demographic impact until the 18th century.

The demographic results of the overall trend towards the taming of disease was first felt in China. In the century after the peaceful and orderly Manchu Dynasty was instituted in 1683, the Chinese population doubled, “rising from 150 million in 1700 to about 313 million in 1794” (247). China had a large landmass in which to expand and was an early adopter to the modern practice of inoculation. “China’s circumstances, in other words, gave full scope to the new possibilities inherent in the changed disease regime,” writes McNeill (250). To a lesser degree only Russia and the Americas followed the same demographic path, though neither population spectacularly increased due to lack of access to modern medical infrastructure. Ireland posed a special case in this regard, as their dependence on potato production substantially increased their number from 1652 until the famines of the 1840s.

Britain, on the other hand, would not see increased demographics for a century or more after the Chinese, when their extensive trade networks and innovations in tillage increased the variety and efficiency of their food supply. The increase of cattle served to decrease malaria, as the mosquitos known to carry the disease preferred the cattle who were poor carriers of malaria. Cattle stock also increased the intake of protein in the average English diet, which served to bolster the creation of antibodies against disease.

Though its use was effective, inoculation against smallpox and other diseases—the deliberate application of a less-severe form of a disease in order to build antibodies against its more extreme forms—took a long time towards mass adoption in Europe and the Americas. In England, it was readily adopted by the royal family, but only accepted by significant majorities after safer methods of vaccination had been achieved by using cowpox. Resistance was greatest in the cities, where mass populations tended to make disease endemic through repeated contact. It was in the countryside and in the remote American colonies where vaccination was more quickly adopted, as the disease proved deadlier to people outside of the cities.

Vaccines were slower to take in Continental Europe, not becoming popular until after 1800 or so. By contrast, the folk habit of inoculation against disease in Turkey, Arabia, North Africa, Persia, and India was centuries old and widely practiced before it became professionalized. In either case, after 1800, the rate of vaccinations increased severalfold, becoming common practice. This increase in health symbiotically led to a furthering of faith in enlightenment ideals, culture, and politics.

Nevertheless, other factors contributed to a balancing diminishment of human health. Conditions suffered by industrial workers seriously diminished life and health, while the Napoleonic wars continued a trend in macroparasitism. Owing to a fungus brought over from Peru, the Irish potato famine killed millions, and halted the rise in Irish population. Finally, increased urbanization led to repeated incidences of older disease patterns.

Among the greatest of these threats was the cholera outbreak in the early 1800s. Cholera killed quickly—and to horrible effect—radically dehydrating its victims. Records indicate that its first European spread came from Calcutta in 1817, cutting through English soldiers. Sea routes rapidly spread it around the world, such that outbreaks became common in the 1830s. This accelerated the debate between those who held to the modern germ theory of disease versus the “miasmists” who taught that cholera was produced by the miasma produced by the breakdown of rotting things. For a generation, the miasmic theorists won, continuing the pain of infection. Not until the invention of increasingly powerful microscopes in the late 1800s did germ theory begin to be taken seriously enough to be acted upon.

Nevertheless, a social trend towards greater sanitation ameliorated the effects of the disease. Cholera was identified as spreading through contaminated water, and political reform efforts in Europe and America emphasized “sanitation, housing, health services and water supply” (273). Cleanliness and “spit and polish” was soon adapted by, and became intrinsic to, modern military practice. Cholera prompted the establishment of an English Central Board of Health in 1848, which in turn began the process of modernizing and extending sewer systems throughout the country. Other countries soon followed, and those without the infrastructure for modern sewage nonetheless learned simple preventative measures, such as testing and boiling of water, which made urban life much safer by 1900. These changes precipitated the modern turn toward urbanization, with more and more people leaving the country to live in the city, which redefined work, culture, and demography.

Cholera also served to coordinate the efforts of doctors, policymakers and scientists. By 1893, a vaccine for cholera was developed, and at the dawn of the 20th century, countries across the world mandated vaccinations. This coordination served to isolate and treat other diseases such as typhus (for which a vaccine was developed by 1896) and diphtheria (which was diminished through the pasteurization of milk). Quinine was discovered as an imperfect palliative for the symptoms of malaria, and that disease, as well as yellow fever, were effectively controlled by the reduction of mosquito populations and by 20th century vaccines. As in the 19th century, the military arm of several countries played a role in establishing vaccine and sanitary regimens. The complete mobilization of the industrialized economies during the First and especially the Second World War led to greater understanding of sanitary and dietary needs of masses of people The World Health Organization was founded in 1948 to advance new knowledge in these burgeoning fields.

The last great worldwide outbreak of disease for which the world was not prepared was the great Influenza outbreak in the aftermath of the First World War, killing 20 million or more worldwide. Though vaccines for its various strains become available quickly, reducing its toll of death, the nature of influenza virus is such that it mutates with wild rapidity, requiring new vaccines on a rotating basis. Its future effects, as of the publication of McNeill’s 1976 book, were unknown.

Chapters 5-6 Analysis

As McNeill’s picture of disease sharpens through a modern lens and more thorough historic documentation, that picture becomes correspondingly more horrible. Descriptions of the ancient Justinian Plague, or the various early historical documents of outbreaks along the Yellow River, feature primary source documents removed from their original sources by centuries and distant geographies. They are categorized by indifferent or euphemistic language, and modern scholars are not often capable of identifying the diseases so named. Yet the genocidal infections caused by the European invasion of the Americas were well documented; the demography can be accessed with some certainty, and the course and effects of the disease are well known.

90% of the native populations of the Aztec and Incan Empires were destroyed by smallpox within the first 50 years of European landing. McNeill does not linger on the cultural artifacts of any of the civilizations he describes, but he does note the sophisticated social structure, urbanization, and thriving population of the pre-Columbian. “The scope of the resultant disaster reflected the fact that both central Mexico and the heartlands of the Inca empire were very densely settled at the time of the European discovery of America,” writes McNeill (211). When looking back at modern holocausts, people tend to look for and center the stories of survivors, yet the stories of this first horrific triumph of genocide is overrun by stories of the conquerors, for whom “interpretation of pestilence as a sign of God’s displeasure… enshrined in the Old Testament and in the whole Christian tradition” (216).

It is with delicacy, then, that McNeill makes his next, competing case:

Such a contrast between radical decay of previously isolated communities on the one hand and a globally enhanced potential of population growth among disease-experienced peoples on the other, acted to tip the world balance sharply in favor of the civilized communities of Eurasia (225).

As Amerindian populations died, he says, Eurasian populations thrived, having bought a hard-won resilience against a whole host of homogenized disease pools. McNeill has a habit of centering his global focus on Europe, but with this thesis presented, for the rest of the book his emphasis fixes on European development and ascendency and stays fixed. The modern human relationship to disease becomes a matter of Europeanized vaccines and urbanization, glossing over, as others have done, the extraordinary biological thriving of Indian and Chinese human populations during the time period represented, which is due as much to political coordination as to the introduction of vaccines. After describing Amerindian genocide, McNeill spends little time of the recovery of Native populations in the Americas, or on how it was impeded by colonial forces. Perhaps this is due to a strict Manichean view of political human life, which sees only parasites and hosts in operation.

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