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Colin G. CallowayA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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The brief preface establishes Calloway’s purpose, explains his approach, and identifies new material included in the book’s second edition. New Worlds for All “considers how conquest and colonialism changed colonizers and colonized people alike” (xiii). To highlight specific changes, Calloway organizes the book’s nine chapters by topic rather than chronology. He also incorporates relevant scholarship published since New Worlds for All first appeared in 1997.
The introductory chapter describes the “Indian imprint on American society” (3). It opens with anecdotes drawn from several meetings between tribal delegates and prominent U.S. officials during the American Revolution. In each instance, U.S. officials express friendship and solidarity by asserting that Indigenous Americans and citizens of the new United States comprise one people. Calloway explores the idea that prolonged contact between European settlers and Indigenous Americans had produced something new. Indigenous societies, of course, “had changed beyond recognition” (6). Even the “new” American society, however, which differed in so many ways from European societies, had developed its distinctiveness through myriad exchanges with Indigenous Americans.
Chapter 1 explains how European settlers transformed North America’s physical environment. Europeans drew maps and renamed places that were new to them but familiar to Indigenous Americans. Europeans introduced new animals and crops. In New England, the 17th-century fur trade decimated the beaver population, reducing the number of beaver dams and increasing the frequency of floods. In the Carolinas, the deerskin trade destroyed the deer population, which forced the Choctaws further west. Britain’s demand for naval stores created a colonial lumber industry, and the resulting deforestation led to changes in weather conditions. The most significant change of all, however, occurred when Europeans introduced private land ownership.
Chapter 2 describes Indigenous Americans’ healing practices, as well as catastrophic diseases for which they had no remedy. Indigenous Americans had vast knowledge of plants’ medicinal properties, and their “doctors compiled an impressive record of ministering to Europeans” (29). Although Europeans balked at the accompanying rituals, they expressed great respect for Native medical practices, including cures for snakebites and arrow wounds.
Nothing could save Indigenous Americans from new and deadly diseases. Smallpox, for instance, a childhood disease in Europe, ravaged Indigenous Americans who lacked immunity. Recurring epidemics wiped out entire towns. According to the most conservative estimates, in the three centuries following Columbus’s arrival, the Indigenous population fell by 90%.
Chapter 3 explores new material cultures that developed post-contact, including trade goods, food, architecture, and clothing styles. Indigenous Americans adapted European manufactures to their own purposes, while Europeans marveled at canoes. Indigenous Americans taught Europeans how to hunt, fish, and plant corn, which helped a number of early settlements survive. European architecture influenced Indigenous living habits, as longhouses and wigwams gave way to log cabins and single-family dwellings. Meanwhile, the closer Europeans and Indigenous Americans lived to one another, the more likely they were to dress like one another.
On the whole, New Worlds for All describes new worlds that Europeans and Indigenous Americans built together. These early chapters, however, highlight both creative and destructive forces, with the latter predominating.
Dramatic alterations to North America’s physical environment produced ripple effects that changed thousands of lives. Calloway mentions the Carolina deerskin trade. Like buffalo on the 19th-century plains, southeastern deer helped sustain Indigenous communities. The decline of the deer population forced some tribes out of the region altogether. The broader impact of the deerskin trade, however, ran deeper than depopulation and dislocation. In exchange for deerskins, Europeans traded guns and alcohol, two things many Indigenous Americans wanted. As Indigenous hunters grew more dependent on European trade, and as the deer population declined, Europeans began to demand slaves. Indigenous hunters made war on rival tribes and took prisoners to sell for European enslavement. Europeans shipped captives to the Caribbean in exchange for enslaved Africans. In a very real sense, the demise of the southeastern deer population accelerated the transition to dependency on the labor of enslaved Africans in the region.
Europeans did not set out to destroy animal populations, but they did aim to take possession of the land. Private land ownership greatly impacted Indigenous America. Indigenous Americans believed that land could be occupied but not owned as an exclusive right. When they made treaties, Indigenous Americans often assumed that they were agreeing to allow free use of land, not that they were relinquishing it altogether. In time, they learned how Europeans interpreted those treaties, but they never entirely conceded to the European notion of private land ownership. In the early 19th century, for instance, the Shawnee Chief Tecumseh organized a Native confederacy to resist U.S. expansion on the principle that no tribe had the authority to sell land. The War of 1812 shattered Tecumseh’s confederacy and broke Indigenous resistance east of the Mississippi River.
Notwithstanding the destruction and anger wrought by Europeans’ physical transformation of North America—to say nothing of deadly diseases—Calloway highlights more creative exchanges. Material goods tell stories about the way people lived. This is seen in the interaction of Indigenous and European cultures. In the 1980s, for instance, archaeologists in Georgia unearthed an Indigenous child’s grave and discovered a copper gorget (a piece of armor to protect the throat) originally made by the Aztecs, either as a religious ornament or to hold a Bible. Calloway quotes archaeologist James B. Langford, Jr.:
The history of the artifact parallels the history of the era: manufactured by a native of Mexico, influenced by the Christian religion of Europe, carried hundreds of miles to an unsettled frontier, traded for food or given as a gift, adapted for use by another culture, and finally buried with a child in a village soon thereafter abandoned. (45).
With this insight, Calloway addresses the notion that contemporaneous cultures were discreet from one another. Instead, Calloway portrays complex relations between multiple cultures, and illustrates how expanding global trade brought these cultures into closer exchange both economically and ideologically. The scope of influence is culturally plural and multi-directional, rather than linear, i.e. simply European to Indigenous or vice versa.