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Drew Gilpin FaustA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In 1963, Faust traveled across West and East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia with six other high school students and two group leaders. Faust was 15 years old and the group’s youngest member. The trip began with a week of orientation in West Germany, where they met local high school students and learned about East-West politics. Shortly after their arrival, President Kennedy delivered his famous “Ich bin ein Berliner” speech in West Berlin, arguing that anyone who believed compromise was possible with the Communists should come to Berlin and see the violence and oppression for themselves.
Faust was nervous “about coming face-to-face with communism” (184). In West Germany, many tried to warn them that their mission of building “peaceful ties” in East Germany was “naïve and even dangerous” (184). Faust and the rest of the group were frightened by their warnings, but the stories also seemed implausible, and they had trouble believing they would have problems. They felt their “greater objectivity” would allow them to “penetrate the abstractions of communism” and contribute to “reconciliation and peace” (184-5). Faust admits that this line of thinking was naïve; in reality, East Germany was full of secret spies and informers.
While Faust was nervous about “crossing the frontier of the Free World” (185), she had many other new experiences on the trip. It was her first time living with Black people as peers, and she worried about accidentally revealing ignorance or having “awkward” interactions with the Black students in her group.
The Black members of Faust’s group were highly accomplished individuals comfortable in white spaces. However, they were unprepared for Eastern Europe, where many people had never seen a Black person before, and strangers frequently asked to touch their skin or hair. Racial violence in the United States played an essential role in Soviet propaganda about the USA, and the group often faced questions about freedom in the American South. While they tried to answer these questions honestly, their existence as a united, racially mixed group did much of the work for them. Faust describes her experience with the group as “life-changing;” for the first time, her idealized concept of integration was a reality.
On July 7th, the group crossed into East Berlin. On the other side of the Berlin Wall, they were met by Roland, their “minder” and a student at East Berlin’s Humboldt University. Roland claimed that people in East Germany “enjoyed all freedoms because they were given all possibilities for development” (193). He called West Germany “a fascist state” and suggested the United States was “run by the Rockefellers and Morgenthaus” (193). Over the following days, Faust’s group and Roland enjoyed arguing, and he gradually relaxed their strict schedule to prove “the benevolence and flexibility of the East German state” (193). Fritz, the group’s senior leader, had friends and family in East Germany who met with the group and discussed the realities of food shortages, travel restrictions, and media bans. The stories were related in whispers, and the speakers’ fear helped Faust understand the dangers of East Germany.
However, Faust also began to appreciate Roland’s view of socialism. She had always understood freedom as freedom from things, like censorship and governmental dictates. Roland and other East Germans spoke of freedom to do things, involving rights like education and accessible health care. Some personal freedoms could be “sacrificed” or “postponed” in the interest of achieving “freedom from economic oppression” (194). While Faust still found this “an unacceptable trade-off,” she began to understand the communist perspective and “confront the limits of [her] own thinking” (194). Roland admitted his time with the Americans had also changed his perspective. He still believed in East Germany’s mission, but he no longer felt the United States would try to impose capitalism on them.
The group’s next stop was Prague, which was just two hours away but was quite different. Even though Czechoslovakia was still “a totalitarian regime,” Faust saw “a greater degree of openness” (196). Artists were resisting censorship, and travel restrictions were lifted. In Czechoslovakia, the group spent less time meeting with other students discussing politics and instead went sightseeing throughout the city. They stayed in youth hostels, where they met other travelers from around the world who were less envious of the United States’ political freedom than they were of “rock and roll and, especially […] blue jeans” (198).
Yugoslavia was again different from Czechoslovakia. The country was “assertively nonaligned” and “had determinedly forged its own independent path as a communist nation” (198). The president, Tito, fostered a “more market-oriented version of communism” (198) that increased the standard of living and relaxed restrictions on individual freedom. Instead of having guides, Faust’s group was permitted to wander freely. The country recruited students to build roads during their summer break, and Faust’s group joined these students, where they shoveled stones while Yugoslav teenagers sang about their great country. Faust was surprised by the “level of grassroots support” that she encountered among these young people; it made her commitment to the United States feel “shallow and wanting” (199-200).
Faust’s group spent two long days driving on the newly constructed Yugoslav roads to reach an International Youth Camp in Dubrovnik. Once there, she found that labels of East and West or communist and capitalist fell away as people from around the world became her friends. Experiencing the “complexity” of Yugoslavia undermined Faust’s ideas of “binary East/West, communist/free” (201). She returned to the United States still unable to imagine the end of the Cold War but feeling she had done her own “small part to accelerate that day” (201). Most importantly, however, Faust had spent the summer “learning and examining, suffused with a sense of purpose” (202). It was an environment that she hadn’t experienced before and in which she “hoped to live the rest of [her] life” (202).
Back in the United States, Faust was invited to join a group of high school and college students to travel around the American South and support the civil rights movement. Faust was drawn to the “reasoned and informed discourse with one’s enemies” (203) that had informed the Eastern European trip, and she saw this new trip as an opportunity to apply the same techniques to white southerners like her own family.
Tensions were high in the United States, and from the start, their plan to “talk frankly and win the trust of both Blacks and whites” was “astonishingly naïve” (205). The day before Faust arrived in Washington, DC, for her orientation, three civil rights workers disappeared in Mississippi. Their bodies would be discovered sometime later, but Faust and the others in her group discussed the disappearances nervously. Their group would not be visiting Mississippi because of safety concerns, but the situation was volatile in many other Southern states.
The group’s first stop was Prince Edward County, in Faust’s home state of Virginia. The country had been home to one of the strongest resistances to school integration following Brown v. Board of Education. It closed public schools entirely for four years rather than integrating them, becoming a “public embarrassment for the entire nation” (212). In May of 1964, the Supreme Court finally ruled that the closure of Farmville’s public schools was unconstitutional and forced them to reopen. However, the schools were set to open with considerably less funding, so Faust’s group set about helping Black leadership secure additional funds.
The group met with Reverend Griffin, who explained the role of “economic and power realities” (217) in the civil rights movement. Many segregationists used various kinds of economic pressures to keep Black citizens impoverished and reluctant to participate in the civil rights movement. Instead, young people who lacked the “financial fear” of their parents were leading the movement. In the group’s next stop in Orangeburg, South Carolina, Faust saw this economic disparity on display. Orangeburg had two Black colleges and a prominent African American middle class. This heightened racial tensions because lower-class white residents felt more threatened, even though median income among white people remained significantly higher. The white officials that Faust and her peers spoke to generally expressed “uncompromising” views on segregation.
Reverend Lancaster, of the local all-white church, argued that “patience and time” were vital for successful integration. However, after the group’s departure, he spoke to the newspaper differently about their visit. Lancaster characterized the students as children and argued against Faust’s assertion that the Constitution and Americanism were “myths.” Faust responded with a long letter that echoed much of what she had written to President Eisenhower many years before, articulating the contradictions she saw between “the Christian and democratic principles [she] had been taught and the realities of race in America” (221). Reverend Lancaster never responded.
Faust describes how their presence as a biracial group “challenged the existing racial order” (224) and inspired anger. They were frequently threatened or denied service when they appeared together in public, and once, while swimming in a river, they were chased by white teenagers with knives. These incidents taught Faust that “no one, white or Black, was free to violate the taboos that governed racial interaction in the South” (225). Everyone was affected by the strict social norms that upheld segregation.
After Orangeburg, Faust’s group visited Frogmore, South Carolina, where they participated in an NAACP Youth Conference at the Penn Center. Originally a school for formerly enslaved people, the Penn Center had become a community center where integrated groups could safely meet. Faust had learned more about Martin Luther King, Jr.’s strategies of nonviolent resistance and was “attracted […] to the fundamental fairness of the Golden Rule” (227) that she saw in his Christian ideology. She imagined nonviolent methods had ramifications outside the civil rights movement, for example, “for issues of world peace” (227). However, she soon realized that many of the young people attending the conference didn’t share her views; they saw nonviolence as “an expedient weapon to achieve their ends” (228). As the civil rights movement continued to face unrelenting cruelty and violence, many began to doubt the effectiveness of nonviolence.
In Birmingham, Faust’s group confronted the consequences of this violence when they stayed with the family of one of the girls killed in the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing. Although the attack had occurred a year before the group’s arrival, the grief was still palpable, and the neighborhood was known as “Bombingham” because of the frequent violence. However, Faust was struck by the fact that the church welcomed her despite all they had suffered at the hands of white people.
At the end of the summer, Faust reflected on the meaning of the word freedom, musing that the freedom to act as one “truly wishes” comes “only from a commitment to that about which one really cares, for only then do the superficial things cease to matter” (237). In this sense of purpose, she argued that Black activists “have found a much greater kind of freedom than that liberty which they are trying to obtain from the white man who is owned by his car and his split-level house and dares not act for fear of losing them” (237). Faust wondered if she could “transcended ‘superficial things’” (238) and make something of her own freedom.
Chapters 8 and 9 detail Faust’s expanding worldview as she traveled through Eastern Europe and the American South, deepening her understanding of The Intersection of Class, Race, Gender, and Privilege. These two trips allowed her to see racial segregation and communism up close, allowing her to unpack them on her own terms and understand the reality outside of the deceptions and obstruction that marked her childhood.
Faust entered into both trips armed with idealism and naivety, and both ended up becoming “life-changing” learning experiences that forced her to “confront the limits of [her] own thinking” (194). Faust’s trip to Eastern Europe caused her “to reject the pervasive and monolithic anti-communism” (272) sentiment created by the Cold War. Presented with the complexity of three distinct communist nations, she was forced to abandon viewing “the world in binary East/West, communist/free terms” (201). Faust also reports the changing view of Roland, their guide in East Germany, who admitted that Faust’s group “had influenced him to see things a bit differently” (195). This exchange in understanding illustrates the importance of connection and self-discovery in learning. In seeing communism for herself, Faust was able to strip away the illusions and assumptions that work to maintain the status quo.
Another important discovery from her trip to Eastern Europe was a changing sense of what constitutes “freedom.” Faust muses that she had always understood freedom to mean “freedom from” things like oppression and censorship. However, in East Germany, she began to understand the concept of having “freedom to” do or have certain things. After her summer spent in the South, her idea of freedom develops yet again, and she muses that the freedom to act as one “truly wishes” comes “only from a commitment to that about which one really cares, for only then do the superficial things cease to matter” (237). Freedom, therefore, involves identifying and committing oneself to something significant. Most importantly, Faust concludes, “Freedom began to seem a much more complicated matter than I had appreciated” (194).
This issue of complexity appears repeatedly throughout the text. As a girl, Faust described her preoccupation with fairness and black-and-white ideas of right and wrong. However, as she grows, learns, and experiences more of the world, she realizes that everything is more complicated and nuanced than she realizes. One example is the concept of freedom, and another is the civil rights movement itself. From the outside, Faust idealized the movement, seeing Martin Luther King’s concept of nonviolent resistance as encapsulating “the logic of Christian ethics” and “the fundamental fairness of the Golden Rule” (227). However, she was unaware of the growing divisions and complexities within the movement, writing, “The morality play in which I pictured myself was far more complex than I understood” (236-7). Devoid of social niceties and simplifications, everything is more complex and multifaceted than it seems from the outside.
While describing her summer traveling through the South, Faust also describes her growing understanding of the damage that segregation does to society. Through the persecution that she received for being in the company of Black people, she realized that “no one, white or Black, was free to violate the taboos that governed racial interaction in the South” (225)—everyone was affected by the strict social norms that upheld segregation. Similar to gender roles, which Faust argues oppress and limit everyone, even those with extreme privilege, “segregation circumscribed the freedom of both whites and Blacks” (225). Everyone is compelled to uphold these social norms, meaning that everyone’s freedom is restricted.
By Drew Gilpin Faust
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