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63 pages 2 hours read

Barbara F. Walter

How Civil Wars Start: And How to Stop Them

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2022

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Chapter 4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “When Hope Dies”

Content Warning: The source text depicts acts of violence and other crimes associated with civil wars.

The title of this chapter, “When Hope Dies,” reveals its primary focus: loss of hope by a group, particularly after failed protests and elections, that can trigger civil wars. Walter uses two case studies to support her assertion.

First, she focuses on the Irish Catholics in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has been the homeland of Irish Catholics for centuries. Thus, they are considered a sons of the soil group to this region. Since the 12th century, however, various groups conquered and colonized their land, making Irish Catholics used to loss. Conditions greatly worsened for Irish Catholics under British rule. Walter underscores that the most painful loss for Irish Catholics occurred in 1922, when the British government did not grant them independence alongside the rest of Ireland.

To make matters worse, the British government also revised Northern Ireland’s borders so that Protestants, who identified mostly as British, made up the majority of the region’s population. Protestants now controlled all aspects of daily life for Irish Catholics and enacted laws, supported by the British government, that denied Irish Catholics “the best jobs, the best land, and the best homes” (79). These policy changes resulted in Irish Catholics having no power or status in their homeland.

Despite this loss of power, the Irish Catholics resisted violence for several decades. The situation changed, however, when the British government sent soldiers to quell a riot in 1969 started by Protestants. Initially, the Irish Catholics believed the British soldiers would protect them from the Protestant mobs. Instead, the British soldiers supported the Protestants and brutally attacked Irish Catholics, injuring thousands and killing several. This event led both groups to become increasingly paranoid about the other’s intentions.

Violence slowly escalated, culminating in the event known as Bloody Sunday, or the Bogside Massacre, when British police shot 26 unarmed Irish Catholics during a protest march on January 30, 1972. This event made Irish Catholics lose hope that they would be able to achieve a prosperous and equitable future under British reign, which kicked off a civil war between Irish Catholics and Protestants. This civil war is known as “The Troubles” and lasted approximately 30 years.

Second, Walter turns to the civil war in Syria, which remains ongoing. Between 2006 and 2010, Syrians faced a terrible drought. The UN estimates that during this period, 75% of the country’s farms failed and 85% of the livestock died. President Bashar al-Assad, the authoritarian ruler, had long favored his own Alawite tribe, a minority group in the country. This drought put a spotlight on already existing tension between the Sunni majority, who primarily resided in the countryside, and the Alawite elite, who lived in urban areas. In response to the drought, Sunnis moved from the countryside to urban areas in search of economic opportunities. Assad’s government did little to help them, continuing instead to favor the Alawites. Initially, the Sunnis did not protest against this mistreatment given Assad’s tendency to brutally suppress dissent.

However, the Arab Spring gave them hope. Syrians saw other people who lived under authoritarian governments in the Middle East overthrow their governments and start to implement pro-democratic reforms (although most of these changes did not last). Thus, Syrians began to peacefully protest against Assad’s regime in 2011. Assad tried to brutally repress the protests. Soldiers and police attacked and killed unarmed protestors. Assad even made a televised address where he offered no concessions and said he was ready for war. As a result, Sunnis lost hope that the protests would lead to reform. In turn, this led them to the formation of different militia groups, which started the Syrian civil war.

In both case studies, the national government had ample opportunity to yield to protestors to prevent violence, yet the British and Syrian governments chose not to. This situation is seen in civil wars around the world. Walter suggests there are several reasons why governments do not avoid war. The first is that they understand their survival is at stake. Assad knew that yielding to protestors would result in both his and his Alawite tribe’s loss of power. The second is that leaders believe conflict is the only way to keep the country united, especially when there are multiple separatist groups. The third is that leaders are beholden to certain constituencies, such as their voting base, the ruling elite, or the military, who might reject compromise.

Chapter 4 Analysis

In Chapter 4, Walter adds another dimension to her central tenet that patterns and risk factors predict where and when civil wars might break out. Here, Walter expands her narrative to look at the triggers of civil wars.

The primary trigger is the loss of hope. Walter argues that groups are more likely to resort to violence when they look into the future and do not see improvements to their quality of life. Both the Irish Catholics and Syrians support this assertion. After both the British and Syrian governments repressed peaceful protests and other non-violent attempts at change, both the Irish Catholics and Syrians gave up on their governments being able to enact meaningful change. Walter underscores that “hope shrinks in the face of blatant government brutality” (84). As a result, violence seemed like the only option.

Walter explores how groups lose hope in two key ways. The first is through failed protests. Walter notes that protests themselves do not start civil wars. Instead, she argues protests are about hope. Protests enable people to go onto the streets and express their frustrations with their government in non-violent ways. In turn, people expect the government to listen to protestors and enact the desired change. Protests become dangerous to political stability when they fail, especially in anocracies.

Failure can come in different forms, including the government reacting violently toward them or ignoring the calls for change. Protests are often a group’s last attempt to peacefully seek change. Thus, when they fail, the group impacted loses hope. In turn, this enables extremists to take over the resistance movement, which pushes the movement toward violence. In both the Northern Ireland and Syrian examples, civil war broke out for exactly this reason: Protests failed due to government repression, which enabled extremists to take over the movements.

While Walter supports peaceful protests, she does raise the alarm around the number of protests occurring. There have been more protests in the last decade than at any point since 1900. Protests have increased the most in liberal democracies, including the US. Walter is especially concerned that the majority of these protests are failing, which puts more and more democratic countries at risk for political instability.

The second way that groups lose hope is through failed elections. Similar to protests, free elections can help maintain political stability in liberal democracies since they often give people hope. Elections become potentially dangerous in two situations. The first is in anocracies, particularly when the downgraded group loses power and does not see a way to regain power. Walter briefly returns to Ukraine (Chapter 1) as one example. The special election to replace President Poroshenko caused his Russian-speaking supporters in eastern Ukraine to lose hope. As a result, they turned to violence. Another example is the election of President Abraham Lincoln in the US. Southern Democrats lost hope that the US would preserve their way of life (i.e., slavery); thus, they tried to secede.

The second is in winner-take-all systems, such as the US, “where the president gains power based on majority rule” (94). In this system, a political party will never win an election if they cannot gain support from the majority of citizens. Most democracies that experienced civil wars had this type of system. Ethnic factionalism in majoritarian systems makes elections even more dangerous since minority groups lose hope that they will ever gain power. As Walter demonstrates, politicians exploit ethnic factionalism when they focus on nationalism and grievances to come to power.

Walter also continues to explode myths around civil wars. In particular, she refutes the idea that civil wars have a single trigger. People’s recollections often point to a single trigger when discussing what led to a civil war. However, Walter emphasizes that “these flashpoints have long backstories” (96), as evidenced by the civil wars in both Northern Ireland and Syria. A key factor is the presence of extremists. These individuals typically care more about their own power than they do about the country and everyday people. Everyday people often do not notice extremist groups until they are strong.

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