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Patrick Henry

Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death

Nonfiction | Essay / Speech | Adult | Published in 1775

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Themes

Freedom Versus Tyranny

Henry’s speech is at its core a rallying cry for American independence. Henry argues passionately in favor of this by juxtaposing the ideal of freedom with what he characterizes as the “tyranny” of British rule. He calls on his fellow colonists to fight for the former and resist the latter at all costs, with the speech’s famous closing lines implying that freedom is more important than life itself: “Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” (85).

As a short address designed for maximal emotional impact, Henry’s speech does not belabor the meanings of either “freedom” or “tyranny.” However, contextual clues provide insight into how Henry is using the terms. For example, he argues that the colonists have a natural right to freedom, which the British government has violated by imposing unjust laws and taxes. He talks, for instance, of the necessity of “preserv[ing] inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending” (84). Henry’s rhetoric here recalls the language of the Enlightenment—particularly British philosopher John Locke’s theory of divinely ordained “natural” rights such as life, liberty, and property, as outlined in The First Treatise of Government and The Second Treatise of Government. The defense of one’s freedom is therefore, in Henry’s words, a “holy” project, as such rights derive from God.

According to Locke, governments may only place limits on freedom with the consent of their citizens. This informs Henry’s characterization of British rule as tyrannical. Certainly, Henry suggests that the particular actions Britain has taken or may take—e.g., “disarm[ing]” the colonists or placing “a British guard […] in every house” (84)—would infringe on the colonists’ rights. Henry is here referring to the Quartering Act, which allowed British troops to be stationed in colonial barracks and possibly homes, creating an impression of constant British oversight and costing the colonies money. However, the mere absence of colonial representation in the British government would have made the latter de facto oppressive to Henry, as there was no mechanism for the colonists to “consent” to British rule. Henry’s speech stresses this by shifting focus away from the British Parliament to the even less democratic British monarchy, which he associates with brute force: “These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort” (83).

The dichotomy between freedom and tyranny that Henry’s speech establishes is therefore also one of rule by law versus rule by violence. In linking freedom to the consent of the governed, Henry not only looks back to thinkers like Locke but forward to documents like the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution.

Justifying Revolution

The theme of revolution follows logically from that of freedom versus tyranny, as Henry argues that the colonists have no choice but to fight for their freedom. This again hearkens to John Locke, who maintains that citizens are justified in overthrowing a government that no longer protects their rights. However, Henry also stresses that such violence is a last resort, saying the colonists have exhausted all other means of resolving their issues with Britain:

We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne (84).

Henry magnifies the sense that there is no option but violent struggle left in his closing words: “I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” (85).

Henry further justifies revolution by framing it as an act of self-defense. Not only has the British government repeatedly violated the colonists’ rights and freedoms, but it has effectively already declared war by building up its military forces in and around the colonies (colonies such as Massachusetts were likewise engaged in forming militias): “Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us” (83). This depiction of the situation escalates over the course of the speech, with Henry later stating that “[w]ar is inevitable” and finally that “[t]he war is actually begun” (84, 85). This progression creates emotional momentum and heightens the urgency of Henry’s appeal; it is as though war has broken out over the course of the address, underscoring the necessity of immediate action (in fact, the Battles of Lexington and Concord would take place just a few weeks after Henry’s speech).

Finally, Henry attempts to allay concerns about facing off against the British military—probably the most powerful force in the world at the time. His approach here is two-pronged. He denies that strength alone can predict military success, instead invoking both divine providence and the colonies’ fighting spirit: “The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave” (84). However, he also remarks that the colonies’ military circumstances, if not ideal, are unlikely to improve with time. This echoes the sense of inevitability that pervades the speech, again painting revolution as unavoidable.

Divine Providence

Many of the first British settlers in America came to the colonies with a sense of not only religious but divine purpose. The Puritans, for example, hoped not only to practice their faith freely but also to establish a model Christian community for the rest of the world. This sense of special destiny combined with the overall religiosity of Henry’s era to make appeals to Christian faith particularly persuasive. Henry therefore invokes divine providence—the idea of God’s ordering of all things—to suggest that God is on the side of the colonists and their struggle for independence.

Henry’s strongest claim to this effect comes when, addressing the colonies’ perceived military weakness, he argues that “there is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations” (84). The implication is that God, who is omnipotent as well as “just,” will grant the colonies victory because they are in the right. To that end, Henry says, God has also furnished the colonies with helpful resources and potential allies:

Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. […] God […] will raise up friends to fight our battles for us (84).

Henry’s suggestion that the “country” is among the “means” God has provided the colonists with illustrates the concept of divine providence particularly well: The very nature of the land is, according to Henry, designed with the colonists’ victory in mind.

Henry’s confident assertion that divine providence favors the colonists stems in part from the idea that certain rights (i.e., freedom) are God-given. Henry therefore argues not only that the colonists should take heart knowing God is on their side, but also that they have a responsibility to God to fight for their freedom: In doing so, they fulfill God’s divine purpose. Henry justifies his impassioned speech in these terms: “Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings” (83). Likewise, he later describes the “cause of liberty” as “holy” (84), implying that the colonists have a religious as well as a political duty to support it.

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