61 pages • 2 hours read
Beverly GageA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Throughout the book, Gage draws a close parallel between the events of Hoover’s life and the federal government he served for so many years. He was born and raised in Washington, DC, and his childhood coincided with its transformation from a small city, with most of its population rotating in and out with each election, into a major metropolis supporting the staff of a fast-growing federal bureaucracy. President Woodrow Wilson, who served from 1913 to 1921, had long championed a more expansive role for the federal government in advancing social progress, with brilliant rhetoricians securing popular support while competent bureaucrats tended to quotidian details. As a law student and clerk at the Library of Congress, Hoover was a small part of an early effort to create a highly professional and efficient civil service that served the public interest and not the ruling party. Hoover graduated from law school just as the United States was entering the First World War, which prompted a massive expansion in government power to sustain the fight abroad and monitor subversive elements at home. The early results of this effort were middling. Hoover first gained attention in the context of the so-called Palmer Raids, an unprecedented effort to round up foreigners suspected of radical leanings. Hundreds were arrested and deported, but shortly afterward, a bomb exploded in Wall Street, killing 38 and proving the insufficiency of the bureau’s methods.
Early on in his administration, Hoover dedicated the FBI to the elimination of “public enemies,” high-profile gangsters evading local police. The FBI’s success turned the bureau into a pop-culture phenomenon, creating the myth of “super cops” equipped with superior courage and information. During World War II, Hoover was able to improve on the murky record of the last war, quietly interning thousands of Germans, Italians, and Japanese. Subsequently, the early years of the Cold War marked the height of both American trust in government and Hoover’s fortunes, as he become a public face of a popular effort to stamp out the communist menace. By the mid-1960s, however, Hoover was embodying the very qualities that would trigger a major decline in trust of the federal government. While he was alive, Hoover’s strident opposition to civil rights and harassment of protestors against the Vietnam War was generally popular, but at the time of his death in 1972, he had become the representative of an old order that had blocked social progress and wasted tens of thousands of lives rather than accept a changing world. Hoover’s death came only five months before the events that would precipitate the Watergate scandal, and American perceptions of federal integrity and competence have still not recovered.
From a young age, Hoover exhibited a fascination with the concept of American manliness, as well as concern regarding his own ability to measure up to that standard. During his childhood, an ideal of masculinity called for men to be physically vigorous and guard their families against the threat of moral decay. The young Hoover was small and stayed indoors, while his family was full of men who either failed to police the vices in their homes or succumbed to weakness themselves, most notably his father’s long and grueling battle with depression. Starting in high school, Hoover found his greatest joy in the company of other men, especially traditionally masculine ones, while also using his intellect and extraordinary work ethic to gain power over them. In college, he sought to ingratiate himself in the hypertraditional Kappa Alpha fraternity, while his work at the Library of Congress represented his initiation into bureaucratic innovations, which intended to place government in the hands of experts rather than the well-connected. Touting the FBI as the exemplar of administrative professionalism, while surrounding himself with Kappa Alpha alums, Hoover made the FBI the representative of both bureaucratic efficiency and traditional masculinity. If Hoover was not himself the ideal man, he would not only be the boss of such men but direct them toward the maintenance of a social order that would ensure the place of such men on top.
The topic of Hoover and manhood invariably involves speculation into his sexuality. Hoover was never comfortable around women, and his public relationships seemed to have been entirely for appearances. He exchanged a series of suggestive letters with FBI agent Melvin Purvis and had a decades-long partnership with his deputy Clyde Tolson. Their bond was so clear and widely known that they were invited jointly to social events. During his lifetime, relationships between members of the same sex were viewed as a form of weakness, even psychosis, and so even if Hoover was gay, he could not admit to it without ruining his career. Only after he died did the federal government eliminate its ban on gay employees. Yet Hoover’s case seems to be even more complicated than that of a closeted man in a conservative, patriarchal culture. His moralism and obsession with work made him unwilling to reckon with any kind of sexuality; repressed and confused as a result, he may not have understood his own sexuality.
Gage establishes early on that Hoover held views that would now be regarded as racist or white supremacist. His college days in Kappa Alpha sealed his worldview in which the manly virtues were confined to white men and suspected any Black person who did not accept a subordinate role. He built the FBI as a nearly all-white institution, staffed with fellow KAs steeped in the racist mythology of the “Lost Cause” lamenting the defeat of the Confederacy in the Civil War as the loss of a great civilization that exhibited a proper racial hierarchy. There were Black bureau agents before Hoover’s tenure, but upon his becoming director, not a single one would graduate from the academy for 38 years. Hoover’s racism was most notoriously on display in his cruel treatment of Martin Luther King Jr., whom he dismissed as a dupe of communists trying to sow disorder in American society. The FBI wiretapped King, filled his organization with informants, and even drafted an anonymous letter implying that King should take his own life.
Hoover’s personal prejudices strongly influenced his work, but they were not the only influence, or always the primary one. Hoover’s racism was largely a byproduct of his absolute commitment to law and order. He refused to consider that Black challenges to the status quo could be justified by real grievances, but he also did not want them to be victims of vigilante or terrorist actions that could be just as harmful to federal authority. He exhibited this same quality during the internment of Japanese and Japanese Americans during World War II, objecting that race alone should not determine someone’s guilt. During the civil rights movement, the FBI became progressively better at investigating and prosecuting racially based crimes, although it was difficult to secure indictments and convictions over fierce local resistance. Hoover’s greatest success in this regard came with the FBI’s program to infiltrate and sabotage the Ku Klux Klan, with the FBI relying on its own covert methods rather than on the courts. While Hoover’s successes deserve recognition, he tended to assume that they offset his faults, such as his suggestion that the apprehension of James Earl Ray should obviate any criticism of how he treated King. His racism had limits, but he could never acknowledge that his fundamental attitudes on civil rights were wrong.
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