70 pages • 2 hours read
John W. DowerA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The first chapter evaluates the central issues facing Japan in the immediate wake of the Second World War. Dower frames the beginning and end of this chapter by focusing on the lived experiences of ordinary civilians. After this, Dower details various aspects of the Japanese surrender—from the relevant factual information to the way Emperor Hirohito framed his important turning point, and the way in which it was perceived by the Japanese. Dower moves on to highlight key issues with quantifying war losses and human casualties. Finally, he dedicates a part of this chapter to the central postwar concerns for the Japanese: displaced persons, the plight of veterans, orphans, and widows, to whom he refers as stigmatized victims. If there is one word to summarize the immediate postwar environment, then that word is “uncertainty” (50).
Emperor Hirohito announced Japan’s surrender on August 15, 1945, following the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear bombings a week prior. Twenty-eight-year-old farmer’s wife Yu Aihara, one of Dower’s witnesses to these historic events, collapsed to the ground after hearing her leader’s words on a small village radio. This war had been the defining narrative for years, and she was worried about her husband. Later, Aihara learned that her husband had been killed in combat shortly before surrender.
Dower compares and contrasts the emperor’s evasive language shrouded in euphemism to the historical facts of surrender. For instance, Hirohito asked his subjects to “endure the unendurable and bear the unbearable” (36). Rather than referring to losing World War II, he framed this loss as the war not going in Japan’s favor. Nor did the emperor attend the surrender ceremony on September 2, 1945, which took place on the US Battleship Missouri stationed in Tokyo Bay. Signing the agreement took place between the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, Douglas McArthur’s group, and Japanese officials, the diplomat Mamoru Shigemitsu and General Yoshijiro Umezu. The American General addressed the participants emphasizing the need for building a better world after all the slaughter of the Second World War. He noted that the most important shared human values are those of “freedom, tolerance, and justice” (41).
In a section on quantifying war, Dower provides the relevant statistics. His statistics come with a caveat, however: “The ravages of war can never be accurately quantified” (44). For instance, the precise death count is complicated by the permanently missing. Approximately 3 million Japanese died during the war, of which 1.74 million were in the military (37). The total number reflected 3% of Japan’s 1941 population. The number of displaced persons from Japan alone was staggering: 6.5 million, of which only about half were members of the armed forces (48). The rest were working abroad in the colonies for the Japanese empire. Infrastructural damage, too, was massive: Approximately a quarter of the country’s wealth was gone as a result of Allied bombing (45).
After this, Dower describes all those affected by war, such as the displaced. Some even took years to return, as was the case with the POWs held in China, who returned a year later, and the POWs in the USSR, who came back in 1949. Foreigners, such as Koreans who were used in heavy-labor industries, were able to repatriate in early 1946. For this reason, Dower argues, dating the end of the war to 1945 is problematic.
In general, postwar Japan was in a terrible state. Dower describes destitution and malnutrition; women and children with nowhere to go; theft to obtain basic necessities; joblessness due to the closure of wartime industries; as well as various illnesses, such as tuberculosis. In early 1948, there were 123,510 orphaned children and youngsters without homes, many of whom resided at railway stations. The police treated them poorly. Finally, the surviving victims of Truman’s nuclear bombing campaign were, at times, seen as unclean, contrary to the traditional Japanese custom of caring for the sick and the weak.
A far cry from the ideology of militaristic honor, many veterans were so disillusioned that they wrote angry letters to the Japanese press outlining the corruption, womanizing, drinking, and violence among their superior officers: “Such confessions, unthinkable before the surrender, exposed the fatuity of wartime propaganda about ‘one hundred million hearts beating as one’” (59).
Furthermore, some veterans were treated poorly—“as pariahs in their native land” (59). This treatment was due to defeat. Also, however, the information about the Japanese atrocities committed during the prolonged war, such as the Rape of Nanking, slowly made its way into the light of day.
The second chapter discusses the first initiatives of establishing a democratic government in postwar Japan and the way those initiatives were perceived. Dower begins by analyzing the work of illustrator Etsurō Katō. In a series of whimsical political cartoons, Katō depicted this proposed transition into democracy. One cartoon, for instance, depicted an exhausted couple listening to Hirohito’s surrender address in August 1945. Another cartoon showed canisters of humanitarian aid dropped by parachute from the sky to a receptive audience, hence the title of this chapter, “Gifts from Heaven” (68).
The term “bloodless revolution” sometimes described this transition from an empire to democracy under American postwar occupation. Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni, of military background, briefly became Japan’s emperor-appointed Prime Minister after the surrender. The Japanese Communist Party leader, Kyuichi Tokuda, imprisoned for 18 years, even expressed gratitude for the American occupation. In 1946, he joined the House of Representatives. The Tokyo University President, Shigeru Nanbara, of Christian faith, described this period in history as the “Japanese Renaissance.” However, not everyone was enthusiastic about these political changes. Some viewed them with reservation at best, and with alarm at worst.
Formal American occupation of Japan lasted from August 1945 until April 1952. Its explicit goals were demilitarization and democratization. In some ways, this program was somewhat comparable to its counterpart in Germany. Considering that Germany was captured in May 1945, the policies controlling this country served as blueprints for Japan. However, in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, Germany was under quadripartite Allied control of the USSR, United States, Britain, and France. In contrast, Japan was under unilateral American occupation.
Beyond the singular control of the Americans, personalities played a central role. Specifically, Dower attributes a certain kind of “messianic fervor” to these policies and emphasizes the “MacArthuresque” control of Japan:
While policy makers in Washington concentrated their attentions on Soviet policies in eastern Europe and the reconstruction of western Europe, the imperious MacArthur until 1948 reigned as a minor potentate in his Far Eastern domain. In 1951, explaining the authority he had wielded in Japan to a US Senate committee, MacArthur pointed out that ‘I had not only the normal executive authorities such as our own President has in this country, but I had legislative authority. I could by fiat issue directives’ (79).
MacArthur’s paternalistic, neocolonialist treatment of the Japanese is one of the running themes throughout this book.
The stories about ordinary Japanese add an empathetic dimension to the sea of facts usually found in history books. Rather than solely focusing on the actions of leadership, describing the lives of those swept up in paradigm shifts improves our understanding of history and our place in it. Dower also presents the diversity of experiences to underscore social complexity. For instance, the response to the emperor’s speech ranged from sorrowful expressions to open cheering. Even the Japanese exaltation of an honorable death did not result in mass suicide. Dower confirms that several hundred officers did die by their own hand, but this number was lower than expected in light of that militarist custom.
The farmer’s wife’s experience also contextualizes the extent to which the Japanese imperial government went with its militaristic indoctrination. Because soldiers were taught that death was preferable to surrender, many military wives were terrified of losing their husbands—not in combat but from suicide during the surrender. Dower extends his analysis of Japanese indoctrination from this period when he quotes the Imperial Rescript of Education; Japanese children repeated it at school on a daily basis and, therefore, had it memorized by heart: “Should any emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State” (33). Therefore, subordination of oneself to the state—embodied by the emperor—is one of the running themes during the 1931-1945 war. The Japanese were not just citizens but also Hirohito’s subjects.
Emperor Hirohito is important to Dower’s analysis as a symbol of both the Japanese surrender and the country’s transformation in the postwar period. During Japan’s violent expansion, Emperor Hirohito framed the invasion of Manchuria and, later, the war against the US and its European Allies, as one that would create a stable Asia through something akin to a holy war. Framing surrender thus required locating a different ideology and different language. Furthermore, Hirohito relied on the use of veiled language for propagandistic purposes. He exploitatively reframed Japan’s defeat to promote himself as “the symbol of the nation’s suffering” (36). Dower analyzes language and communication throughout this entire book to compare the war-era and postwar Japanese society.
At times, Dower surpasses historical writing and ventures into the realm of evocative symbolism. He parallels the physical appearance of the diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru with the state of Japan. This comparison almost functions as the literary device of metonymy, in which a part is used to represent the whole:
Shigemitsu had lost a leg in 1932 in a bomb attack by a Korean protesting Japan’s colonization of his country, and his awkward gait on the rolling deck of the American battleship conveyed an uncanny impression of a crippled and vulnerable Japan (40).
Dower’s writing is sprinkled with many other comparisons adding to the rich quality of his writing. For instance, he parallels the “bonfires of documents” burnt by the Japanese government officials’ attempt to downplay their actions during the war to “napalm’s hellfires” (39).
This chapter does not specifically address the nuclear attacks (ordered by President Truman) on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. On the one hand, the author establishes that much of Japan—especially its urban, residential areas—was bombed indiscriminately, as was the case with the firebombing of Tokyo. The attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki thus fit into the broader pattern of Allied methods of warfare. Indeed, Americans were shocked by the extent of the destruction and suffering in Japan. Notwithstanding, these bombings truly marked the start of the nuclear age as a demonstration of American military power—and, by this point of the war, Japan was clearly defeated regardless of formally announced surrender. In addition to American victories in this military theater, the USSR had also joined the Allied effort in the Far East. Therefore, ordering a nuclear bombing was unnecessary for Truman’s policy of “unconditional surrender” (40)—a policy in which the surrendering party receives no guarantees of clemency. The use of nuclear weapons can therefore be interpreted as punitive, and it exacerbated the humanitarian disaster in Japan, which the author addressed.
The figures of Emperor Hirohito and General MacArthur both dramatize running themes throughout this text. Their respective personalities and political (and symbolic) status helped shape postwar Japan. While Japan’s two main religions—its ancient nature religion, Shinto, and Buddhism—do not have a God in the Christian sense, Japanese emperors were believed to have a direct link to their ancestors, and the two script characters forming the Japanese word for “emperor,” tennō, literally mean “heavenly sovereign.” Therefore, Hirohito did not have the divine right of kings in the Western sense but remained a revered figure and symbol in the postwar period. For this reason, Dower emphasizes the ordinary Japanese not just as citizens of Japan but as Hirohito’s subjects.
Hirohito’s transformation from a militarist ruler to a symbol of peace and democracy plays an important role later in Embracing Defeat. The transformation was an American-led initiative spearheaded by none other than General MacArthur. MacArthur’s personality and communication skills directly contrast with Hirohito; Hirohito used veiled language, whereas MacArthur was straightforward. The emperor was socially awkward, whereas the SCAP was self-assured bordering on arrogance. Yet these two very different men—an older conqueror and a younger conquered—became unlikely associates during the American occupation period in order to stabilize Japan. Moreover, each of them had considerable political power—one as a symbol of Japan, and the other as the leader of the occupation force.
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