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Assata ShakurA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
On May 2, 1973, Assata Shakur was driving down the New Jersey Turnpike with fellow members of the Black Liberation Army, Sundiata Acoli and Zayd Malik Shakur, when New Jersey state troopers apprehended them. A shootout ensued, leading to multiple deaths.
The first chapter opens with Shakur’s memory of being wounded on the New Jersey Turnpike after the shootout. She heard one of the cops on the scene say that they “oughta finish her off” (3), but before they could enact further violence toward her, they became consumed with searching her car. Shakur felt as though her “chest was on fire” and she could not feel her arm (3). An ambulance took Shakur to the hospital, where she was handcuffed to her bed and interrogated by the police. She was beaten repeatedly and told by the cops, “If you don’t hurry up and start talking, I’m gonna bash your face in for you” (5). Shakur tried to relay a message to a nurse to contact her aunt, Evelyn Williams, who was also her lawyer. However, this was to no avail.
The police moved Shakur to a private suite to continue torturing her. She learned that Zayd was killed and Sundiata was arrested. The police tried to convince Shakur that Sundiata was betraying her by placing the blame for the shootout on her. They tried to convince her to reveal information about the shootout to receive a softer punishment, but Shakur was not convinced. She knew that “divide and conquer” was a police strategy to break up Black activist allegiances (12). Circumstances improved slightly for Shakur when another nurse took note of Shakur’s mistreatment and told her to use the call button to alert the hospital of police abuses. Other Black nurses also brought books for her so that she could keep her spirits up.
Eventually, a judge came to Shakur’s room and read the charges against her, which included accusations that she was involved in the shooting and murder of New Jersey state troopers James Harper and Werner Foerster. Shakur demanded to have a lawyer present, but the judge entered a plea of “not guilty” on her behalf without legal representation. Finally, Shakur’s aunt was allowed to come into the room and told Shakur quickly that she had to get a court order to visit. She was rushed out of the room immediately, but not before promising to do whatever she could for Shakur. Shakur’s mother and sister visited next, telling her, “I’m proud of you” (16).
Shakur found out later that she had three bullet wounds, including one in her chest that injured her lung. The doctors told her that they were not sure if she would regain use of her injured hand again. Despite her injuries, she was gradually released from her cuffs and began to heal.
Shakur remembers her childhood, first in Wilmington, North Carolina, and then later in Jamaica, New York. In Wilmington, Shakur learned about Southern segregation and racism. Her grandparents were forced to pay for their property twice since their initial ownership was not recognized by other white people. When they installed a dirt parking lot on their property for other Black people to park for a small charge, they were routinely terrorized by white people who drove through the lot with guns. This stopped only when Shakur’s grandfather installed a chain at the lot’s entryway.
Shakur’s grandmother instilled in her a sense of pride in her identity. She was taught to act with decorum toward Black elders but also to not make herself smaller in front of white people. She was told to play only with other “decent” middle class children (21). While she understood that these lessons were meant to protect her from the racism of the white people around her, she also acknowledged in her adulthood that a lot of her grandmother’s sentiments came from the class prejudices of “the so-called Black bourgeoisie” (21).
While segregation was a part of life, Shakur also found subtle ways to rebel against the rules. Shakur’s mother provided an early example of this strategy when she pretended to be a Spanish-speaking foreigner to trick the workers at a whites-only amusement park into allowing them onto the rides. Later in life, Shakur herself would enter a whites-only part of a movie theater to request purchase of an Elvis Presley poster. This small protest was a joyous moment for Shakur that her family members celebrated as well.
While schools in Wilmington were segregated, Shakur felt that she received more attention and understanding from her Black teachers than she would have at integrated schools. When Shakur moved to New York to attend third grade, she felt the oppressive effects of integrated schools where white teachers treated her with either malice or indifference. Her third-grade teacher patronized her whenever she tried to demonstrate her knowledge on a subject. In fifth grade, her teacher, Mrs. Hoffler, would physically punish her and another Black student until Shakur fought back. When she finally revealed to her mother the troubles that she went through with Mrs. Hoffler, her mother demanded that she be moved to another classroom with a new instructor.
Shakur credits her aunt, Evelyn, as the “heroine of my childhood” (39). Evelyn took Shakur to museums and taught her about art and history. With Evelyn’s support, Shakur gained an education about the world that she did not receive through traditional schooling.
The narrative returns to the period after the police shooting. Before Shakur could properly recover in the hospital, she was taken to Middlesex County Jail, where she was kept in isolation. She was allowed to conduct some work in the workhouse, where she occasionally met with Evelyn to strategize for her impending trial.
Evelyn provided Shakur a tape recorder so that she could record a statement to the public, an attempt to counteract the mainstream media portrayal of her as a villain. On July 4, 1973, Shakur recorded her statement, “To My People,” where she declared that as a “Black revolutionary woman” (50), she was being targeted by the US government and charged with crimes she did not commit. She stated that the US government was criminalizing her for her involvement with the Black Liberation Army, painting all affiliated members as “vicious, brutal, mad-dog criminals” (50). However, she insisted that “we are the victims” and not the criminals (50). She ended her statement by reading the names of Black revolutionary leaders who died fighting for Black liberation, concluding, “We must fight on” (53).
While Shakur awaited trial, she socialized with other women inmates, most of whom were Black or Latina women who were charged with petty crimes or could not make bail. Shakur concluded that the prison system disproportionately penalized those who were poor and Black, as she saw very few incarcerated white women. She also had to endure random acts of violence against her, including the removal of the metal brace that was necessary to heal her arm. Her metal brace was eventually returned to her, but not without much protest. Shakur was finally allowed a joint conference with Evelyn and Sundiata at the workhouse. This gave Shakur brief hope.
Back in jail, Shakur met another inmate, Eva, whom she dubbed “Rhinoceros woman” and became close with (62). When male guards came to the jail looking to brutalize Shakur, Eva stood up for her and identified herself as Shakur. Since Eva was much larger than Shakur, the guards became nervous. Shakur eventually revealed herself to prevent Eva from getting into trouble. When the guards hassled Shakur once again the next day during lunchtime, she refused to comply with their aggressions. This led to a riot in the jail.
On July 19, 1973, Shakur was taken to New York to be arraigned on a Queens bank robbery indictment in a Brooklyn federal court. In September, she was moved from the workhouse to the basement of the jail preceding her trial for the New Jersey Turnpike homicides on October 1.
When October 1 finally arrived, Judge John E. Bachman denied all of Evelyn’s motions. Shakur describes the jury as “more like a lynch mob than a jury” (67). Eventually, the judge had to move the case to Morris County as rumors in the jury room of Shakur’s guilty verdict violated the rules for a fair trial. The trial then was postponed for another month.
The book’s structure alternates between two time frames—the period following the New Jersey Turnpike shooting that led to Shakur’s arrest and incarceration, and the story of her life leading up to that point, beginning with her childhood in North Carolina. Chapter 1 opens in medias res (in the middle of things) at the moment of crisis as Shakur engages in a violent confrontation with police on the New Jersey Turnpike. Shakur’s vivid portrayal of being shot and roughly handled upon her arrest conveys the level of brutality that the police use toward Black people, particularly those suspected of taking part in arming Black revolutionaries. Additionally, her account of the shooting and its aftermath alludes to the police force’s willingness to manipulate the law to their advantage through cruel interrogation procedures and the refusal of her basic constitutional rights.
Their use of “divide and conquer” tactics belongs to a common pattern among US police and intelligence forces that pits Black revolutionaries against each other to weaken their organizing capabilities. This tactic was deployed when Shakur was interrogated by the police and told that Sundiata had placed the blame of the incident on her. Shakur, who had years of experience dealing with manipulative law enforcement tactics, recognized their lies immediately. This account of the New Jersey Turnpike shooting and the early days of the trial is indicative of The Differences Between Revolution and Reform. The legal system, as Shakur presents it, is an arm of a larger system of oppression within which no true justice is possible. As the police violate Shakur’s constitutional rights, and as the courts look the other way, it becomes clearer than ever to her that justice will come only through revolution.
The treatment of Shakur in the courtroom further reinforces the need for revolution. The selection of a predominantly white jury in Morris County shows that despite the US justice system’s proclamation of fairness, jury selection is heavily biased. Shakur’s description of the jury as more “a lynch mob than a jury” (67) emphasizes the glaring prejudices of the courtroom, in which the judge saw no need for Black representation on the jury even though Shakur’s mistreatment was centered upon her involvement in political organizing against racism. In this description, she illustrates that these present-day prejudices have historical precedent—they are in effect legal lynchings after public lynchings during Jim Crow were outlawed. By drawing this comparison, she emphasizes that seemingly extinct racist practices merely take on new forms in the present-day.