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37 pages 1 hour read

Ronald Wright

A Short History of Progress

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

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Chapter 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 2 Summary: “The Great Experiment”

Culture allows humanity to adapt to its challenges more quickly than evolution, but our intense speed of innovation and communication also leads to progress traps. Two early examples are Old Stone Age (3mya-12kya) hunting and the later transition to agriculture that brought about modern civilization.

The first civilizations emerged in Sumer and Egypt c. 3000 BC, followed by many more around the world in the next few millennia. Hardly a sign of moral progress since prehistoric times, complex societies are responsible for all recorded wars and genocides. This may be due to the fact that since the Stone Age, we have not had as much time to evolve mentally as we have had the cultural space to evolve technologically. Today, “we are running twenty-first-century software [the human mind] on hardware last upgraded 50,000 years ago” (35).

As mentioned in the first chapter, the first major technological success of man was the taming of fire by homo erectus. Next was the perfection of hunting by Cro-Magnons. Due to food surplus brought about by improved hunting, new symbolic capacities became more common, as shown in burials, human ornamentation, and cave art. By 15,000 years ago, humans had spread across the Earth and contributed, with climatic change, to the extinction of each of their new habitat’s megafauna. Cro-Magnons specifically developed techniques of mass animal slaughter through driving them off cliffs. Driving their prey to extinction, the Cro-Magnons who depended on this food source also dwindled: the first progress trap.

Inheriting this history of extinction, Mesolithic or Middle Stone Age (280kya-25kya) people foraged to subsist. Their minimal sedentism and limited horticulture would eventually lead to agriculture. Agriculture and animal domestication developed independently in at least four regions of the Earth, appearing about 10,000 years ago. Domesticated animals became human food staples, and in regions in which large domesticates were scarcer, domesticated plants became more varied. As sedentism took hold, reproduction rates rose, because children were helpful farm workers. Population began to grow, and by 5000 years ago, most of humanity were sedentary farmers. Today, agriculture remans the basis of the world economy: “the crops of about a dozen ancient peoples feed the 6 billion on earth today… not one new staple has been added to our repertoire since prehistoric times” (45-6).

Archaeology tends to measure societal advancement after the development of agriculture through “technological determinism” (47), i.e. the idea that growth in tool materials or complexity corresponds to societal progress. Cross-cultural examination of the development of metalworking, which shows societies at various levels of advancement have and have not developed metal tools, proves such theories are not tenable.

Overall, however, there are some commonalities in the development of human culture. For example, while hunter-gatherer societies were largely egalitarian, agriculture brought with it the slow development of social differentiation, with elites creating power through making enemies of other groups. Today, war-mongering still fills the same role. Also, the colonization of the Americas by Europe shows the predictability of human cultures: both sides, though developing independently, shared many societal institutions.

Evidence suggests that pre-agricultural humans could not have produced domestic crops due to climate conditions, which have been unusually stable for the past 10,000 years. We are not improving our odds of survival in the already finicky habitat of Earth by exacerbating climate change. Today, a sudden change could bring about the collapse of our agriculture and with it our entire civilization.

Chapter 2 Analysis

In “The Great Experiment” Wright continues his history of human culture. First he dwells on the rise and fall of Stone Age groups, brought about by hunting technique improvements. Second, he describes the development of agrarian practices that led to the resource wealth that could sustain larger, sedentary civilizations.

The main components that Wright wishes the reader to draw from this chapter are 1) two new progress traps: stone age hunting and early agriculture and 2) the ancestry of all human civilization in the fragile ecological negotiation of farming. This second point allows Wright to make the observation that we live in a massive progress trap of agriculture that, like it has so many times in the past, could snap closed at any moment.

Within this history, Wright particularly emphasizes the difference between cultural evolution, which happens quickly, and biological evolution, which happens slowly. While our mental capacity is that of Stone Age man, our culture and technology have far exceeded Stone Age capacities. Technology has, as such, replaced natural selection as the main determinant of the success or failure of cultures and groups. Species extinction, domestication, and agriculture offer the first examples of humanity drastically altering their landscapes, creating the artificial structures we need to sustain civilized life. Throughout this chapter’s discussion of agriculture, Wright suggests these structures are highly fragile, and humanity’s predisposition towards violence lurks right underneath them.

Chapter 1 began the history of humanity in the Paleolithic, and much of this chapter dwells in this era as well. From here the chapter moves to the Mesolithic. Wright walks a fine interpretive line in this history of human technological development. Each name of these eras refers to types of human tool use: they are called “Stone Age” or “-lithic” because human tools at these times were made of stone. As humans develop new materials for their tools, history moves into new ages, such as the Iron Age and Bronze Age. Agriculture, beginning in the Neolithic, or “New Stone Age” provides a bridge between periods of stone tool and metal tool use.

Wright abides by these historical demarcations, but also uses his differentiation between cultural and biological evolution to collapse them. Just as Wright shows we are essentially cave-people living in the modern world, he also shows that we are but Neolithic farmers living in modern cities. The argument that we live in the minds of cave-people and survive on the crops of early farmers helps Wright argue that our societies are still governed by the same rules as ancient ones.

Wright’s reflection on the development of agricultural surplus is also a reflection on the developments of social hierarchies. Wright argues all structures of elite power are tied into the systems of othering external communities, just as Cro-Magnons othered Neanderthals.

While this chapter draws common themes from human history, it is also attentive to scientific bias in these histories. For example, Wright highlights the tendency of technological determinism, the principle that guides human history into brackets of tool material use, as a myth of progress just like the Victorian ideal. Through this, Wright shows how an illusion of linearity permeates the sciences.

As in Chapter 1, Wright’s style of historical storytelling is characterized by its sweeping aspects and ability to draw broad themes from diverse historical examples. In this chapter, for example, he compares facets of cave art to Renaissance painting and follows a history of Cro-Magnon domination of Neanderthals with one of the European conquest of the New World. Wright uses such comparisons to elucidate his book’s main point: narratives of unchecked progress, war, and collapse repeat themselves in human history because our idea of progress predisposes us to these paths.

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