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54 pages 1 hour read

Burton G. Malkiel

A Random Walk Down Wall Street

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 1973

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Introduction-Part 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “Stocks and Their Value”

Introduction to the 50th Anniversary Edition Summary

Malkiel outlines how investors are likely to receive greater return on their investments if they invest in “broad stock-market index” (19) rather than investing through a managed equity fund. An investor that invested $10,000 in the first index fund in 1977 would have earned $666,467 more by 2022 than an investor that invested $10,000 in an average managed mutual fund. Index funds are known as a smart investment in 2023, but when the first edition of Random Walk was published in 1973, reception was poor. In 1977, when Jack Bogle and the Vanguard Group created the first index fund, they only sold less than 6% of available shares. Index funds rely on EMH, or the Efficient Market Hypothesis, which states that the stock market reflects changes in value immediately, and opportunities for extraordinary gains are temporary and carry greater risk. The term “random walk” refers to the unforecastable nature of these changes, in which random decisions can potentially outperform strategic planning. Noting the stock market bubbles in 2021, following an inflation of the GameStop stock, as well as the bubble that lasted from 1996 to 2000, Malkiel warns that no one can predict the extent of a bubble.

As prices rise, many investors buy in at peak prices, expecting greater returns, or sell out when prices reach a low point, trying to save as much as they can. In these instances, while it appears as though some investors are achieving extraordinary gains, those gains carry equally extraordinary risk, and many other investors likely lost considerable sums in the process. Malkiel’s evidence in favor of index funds include lower costs from reduced transactions, taxes, and maintenance expenses, but he also comments on how professionally managed funds rarely outperform the market, and, when they do, it is only temporarily, while index funds follow the market consistently. Malkiel emphasizes that individuals are capable of investing on their own in 2023, and a variety of new investment products and methods are available to the current investor. The greatest challenges, Malkiel notes, are for single investors to save money and trust in their investment in index funds, commenting that a single investor, starting with a $500 investment in 1977 and adding $100 and dividends each month, would be a millionaire in 2023, even considering periods of economic downturn in 1987, 2000, and 2007.

Part 1, Chapter 1 Summary: “Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air”

Malkiel reiterates that single investors can outperform professionals, and he says this book will teach the reader practical advice on a variety of financial choices, though the focus is on common stock investments. A random walk means that history cannot be used to predict future activity; applied to stocks, it means that predicting the fluctuations of the market is useless. Malkiel frames this theory as a matter of academics against professionals, in which academics continually develop new theories while professionals assert their predictive prowess. Malkiel presents his qualifications, noting that he began as an investor on Wall Street, moving into reputable positions in large investment firms and academia, all of which inform his ability to explain the process of investing and the dynamics of the stock market. A minimum goal for investing, Malkiel says, is to earn at least enough to offset inflation, which is the continual decrease in the buying power of money. Malkiel predicts that inflation will continue to increase, and he notes that investing requires careful management of where and how to invest funds to avoid losses.

Malkiel describes two investment theories: the firm-foundation theory and the castle-in-the-air theory. The firm-foundation theory proposes an intrinsic value to stocks, advocating buying stocks that are temporarily below their intrinsic value and selling stocks that are temporarily above their intrinsic value. Malkiel is skeptical of firm-foundation theory, though he notes that well-known investors, like Warren Buffet, have found success in following firm-foundation theory. Castle-in-the-air theory, developed by John Maynard Keynes in the 1930s, relies on the psychology of the market, trying to predict how other investors will value a given stock. Keynes’s theory is to buy stocks that other people are likely to view as sound investments, as the other investors will increase demand and drive up the value of the stock. At that point, the initial investor, Keynes, would sell to the new investors, taking in a profit created by the predicted increase in demand. While the firm-foundation theory relies on the actual value of an investment, castle-in-the-air relies on the perceived value of an investment, and both can result in either success or failure.

Part 1, Chapter 2 Summary: “The Madness of Crowds”

Castle-in-the-air theory can be profitable, but it is rarely sustainable, with Malkiel warning against “overguessing” crowd responses to market changes. From 1593 to 1637, Holland underwent a tulip boom, in which people invested heavily in various tulips that were brought from Turkey. The price of tulips continued to increase over this period, during which time people bought and sold tulip bulbs much like stocks today. A new financial instrument, the “call option,” allowed buyers to purchase tulips at a preset price, which allowed them to buy and sell immediately when the market price increased. In 1637, the price of bulbs increased dramatically, then fell more dramatically as people decided to sell at incredibly high prices. After the collapse, the government tried to settle contracts to buy tulip bulbs, but it failed, as people refused to carry out contractual purchases for much higher prices than the bulbs were then worth.

The South Sea Company, formed in 1711, promised to engage in trade with South America and included taking on the debt of the English government. A similar company, the Mississippi Company, arranged to print paper money in place of using metal as currency. Public speculation led to large investments in the South Sea Company, which quickly drove up the price of their stock. Many other companies, called bubble companies, attempted to imitate the South Sea Company, which promised outlandish projects, drew in investors, then failed, taking whatever money was invested with them. Both the South Sea and Mississippi Companies ultimately failed, resulting in England passing the Bubble Act in 1720 to prevent private companies from issuing stock. In the 1920s in the United States, a similar process of speculative overpricing occurred, culminating in the stock market crash of 1929 that led to the Great Depression, an extended economic downturn that lasted through the 1930s. Part of the issue in the 1920s was investment pools, in which a group of investors would use inside knowledge and wash sales, in which they sold shares to each other at controlled prices, to create the false impression of public interest, which would then develop into real public interest as people saw the wash sales accumulate. Malkiel emphasizes that many modern economists try to make rational sense of events like the tulip boom, and, while they make good points, Malkiel largely believes these instances to be irrational and unpredictable.

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “Speculative Bubbles from the Sixties into the Nineties”

The “tronics boom” of the early 1960s involved companies using names that reminded buyers of electronics to artificially inflate the price of their stocks. Much like the Dutch tulips and the South Sea Company, these companies’ stocks rose in value beyond what their material assets and production warranted, leading to another crash in 1962. During this time, the SEC, or Securities and Exchange Commission, which Malkiel notes could not prevent large-scale speculation, was only able to shut down some brokerage firms responsible for the “new-issue” boom. New-issue refers to companies “going public” or issuing additional stock, in which new stock is issued for exchange. The same kind of new-issue boom and crash happened in 1983, as well.

In the late 1960s, conglomeration, or the combining of two companies into one, became a way to artificially exhibit growth. By merging with a company with a lower earnings multiple, a company with a higher earnings multiple can increase their earnings per share, which then appears as growth to potential investors. Malkiel provides a hypothetical example, as well as two real-world examples: Automatic Sprinkler Corporation and Litton Industries, each of which engaged in multiple mergers over the 1960s that made it look as though their businesses were growing. However, by the end of the 1960s, their stock value fell back down, and the SEC and accounting professions began investigating the legitimacy of conglomerations.

In the 1970s, investment managers favored the Nifty Fifty, or the top growth “blue-chip,” meaning reputable companies, such as McDonald’s, Disney, and IBM. Speculation on these companies raised their earnings multiples into the 80-90 range, which led to a crash in 1980 as investors realized that no amount of speculated growth could justify such high prices. Illustrating fraud, Malkiel includes the story of Barry Minkow, who started ZZZZ Best carpet cleaning company in the 1980s, achieving astounding growth in a short period of time. Minkow was laundering money for organized crime while embezzling from his investors, which resulted in a 25-year prison sentence. After leaving prison, Minkow assisted the government in investigating fraud and became a pastor, though he was later convicted of securities fraud and embezzlement, again. As a non-American example, Malkiel details how real estate speculation in Japan led to a boom in stock prices during the late 1980s, which subsequently crashed, and the Japanese stock market, as of 2022, has not recovered to its 1989 levels.

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “The Explosive Bubbles in the Early Decades of the 2000s”

In the early 2000s, the dotcom boom resulted from speculation regarding Internet business. Many such businesses offered little to no profitability, but investors dedicated over $1 trillion by 2002 to these businesses, which largely disappeared after the crash. Some analysts, like Mary Meeker, Henry Blodgett, and Jack Grubman became both rich and famous by speculating publicly on Internet companies. They created new metrics to measure the profitability of websites, including the number of visitors on a site or the amount of content used between different websites, none of which measured actual revenue. After the crash, all three notable analysts received death threats and were ridiculed in the media. Trading stocks became easier, allowing regular people, encouraged by news and magazines, to start investing. Fraud was prevalent, as companies like Enron overstated earnings and profitability.

In 2007-2008, a bubble burst in the housing market, as a combination of unethical lending and investing practices reached its peak. Banks would sell their mortgages to investment companies, which would combine mortgages into investment packages, split them into tranches, and trade them like securities. Many of these tranches were purchased with borrowed money, and companies began selling insurance to cover the cost if the investment went under. As a result, many people were allowed to take out mortgages they could not afford, and housing prices increased, leading to foreclosures and defaults on loans. When the bubble burst, even the largest organizations involved in the trading of mortgages faced bankruptcy, and the government had to step in to prevent total collapse.

Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, which are generated and maintained through a network of computers, may present a new bubble, though Malkiel does not offer a speculation on a potential crash. Meme stocks, named from their origin in Internet movements, can create short-term booms and crashes. He uses the example of GameStop, a company that sells video games and hardware, which was artificially inflated by users of the website Reddit with the specific purpose of abusing hedge funds that tried to make a quick profit from GameStop’s low-value stock. Malkiel concludes the chapter reiterating his point that the market is volatile, and the key to sound investing is to avoid getting drawn into bubbles and booms that can take in investments without paying anything out in the end.

Introduction-Part 1 Analysis

Malkiel’s Introduction and first part of the text serve as a review of both the premise of his work and the history leading up to the present. Malkiel encourages the reader to think about Balancing Risk with Reward, noting that “there are no possibilities for earning extraordinary gains without taking on extraordinary risks” (22). Because many investors want to make money quickly, Malkiel is cautioning against the draw of risky investments that might promise high returns. A “speculator,” in Malkiel’s words, “buys stocks hoping for a short-term gain” (36), while an “investor buys stocks likely to produce a dependable stream of cash returns and capital gains when measured over years or decades” (36). Following this premise, it is useful to note the time ranges of various events in the text. When Malkiel talks about the success of Jack Bogle’s index fund with Vanguard, the time range is from 1977-2022, a period of over four decades, but when discussing booms and busts, like the tronics or dotcom booms, the period is usually less than one decade. This trend inevitably ties the idea of risk and reward to that of Comparing Long-Term and Short-Term Goals, which Malkiel emphasizes periodically in the text. When discussing how a single investor, or even group of investors, should look at the market, Malkiel always emphasizes consistent investing over a long period of time. The biggest risk a person can take is investing heavily, quickly, and in a single business with the hope of a large and rapid payout. Part of the threat of bubbles, as with the tulip boom in Holland, is: “Everyone imagined that the passion for tulips would last forever” (46), creating the illusion of a long-term investment, when the only investors that profit from a bubble invest early and pull out before the crash.

The first part of the book focuses on The Psychology of Crowds and Markets, as Malkiel outlines how investors get stuck in positive feedback loops that create bubbles. While Malkiel does not fully subscribe to the firm-foundation theory of the market, he observes the potentially catastrophic process of the castle-in-the-air theory, repeating the idea of the “greater fool.” The “greater fool” is the premise that, if one investor buys stocks that might not be particularly profitable, someone else is likely to buy that stock for a higher price based on the perceived value of the stock. In a bubble, a lot of investors buy stocks with a company, or with a series of companies that share a common element, which drives up prices, leading “greater fools” to buy at higher prices, giving profits to the initial investors. The common element in a series of bubble companies can be nonsensical, and Malkiel emphasizes that the less sense the element makes, the more profitable it can be, noting of the tronics boom: “A word that no one understands entitles you to double your entire score” (65). This trend in bubble booms reflects the psychology of the crowd, as a crowd sees that, for example, electronics are a successful, emerging market in the early 1960s, so they begin to invest heavily in companies that appear to offer electronics. Malkiel notes that many of these tronics companies did not involve any electronics production, but the crowd becomes enraptured by the offer of a fast fortune, forgetting to balance risk against reward. For the individual, this psychological response is a combination of a fear of missing an opportunity and greed.

A critical element of the psychology of the market, though, is the psychology of the professional investors that tend to control some aspects of the crowd. For example, the investment pools that Malkiel notes regarding the boom and bust of the late 1920s. Malkiel comments that investment pools, in which a group of investors acquire some inside information and use wash sales to create the appearance of activity regarding a stock, create bubbles using “close cooperation” and “complete disdain for the public” (56). “Complete disdain” is a common thread regarding fraud and investment in this opening Part, mirroring the behavior of the directors of the South Sea Company, who were “wise in the art of public appearance” (49), or of Barry Minkow, who drove a red Ferrari and was told by a US district judge: “You don’t have a conscience” (77). Part of the psychology of the market is the psychology of fraudulent and malicious investors, as a few smart investors can group together and manipulate the appearance of the market for their own gain. Critically, Malkiel comments that, during the telecom stocks bubble in the early 2000s, “security analysts did what they often do—they just lowered their standards” (90), implying that even the systems in place to prevent fraud and malicious behavior can fail to protect the crowd.

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