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68 pages 2 hours read

Barack Obama

A Promised Land

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 2020

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Part 7, Chapters 25-27Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 7: “On the High Wire”

Chapter 25 Summary

Chapter 25 addresses events in the Middle East, notably, the Arab-Israel conflict and the Arab Spring. Obama reasserted the US’s commitment to facilitating peace between Israel and Palestine, both as a moral imperative and for reasons of national security. Diplomats led by Clinton coaxed Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas to the negotiating table. In the meantime, Obama brokered a temporary halt to the construction of new settlements in the West Bank and orchestrated the first face-to-face meeting between Netanyahu and Abbas at the UN General Assembly. Tensions later arose when Netanyahu authorized new settlements in East Jerusalem. The peace process stalled, despite diplomatic overtures by Clinton and others. Abbas later agreed to direct talks thanks to the intervention of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and King Abdullah of Jordan. Obama hosted the three, alongside Netanyahu, at an intimate White House dinner to launch the talks. The Israelis and Palestinians met twice for direct peace talks—the day after the dinner and 12 days later in Egypt. However, Israel refused to extend the settlement freeze, dashing Obama’s hopes of reaching a peace deal.

The Arab Spring, a series of antigovernment uprisings beginning in December of 2010, began as the Obama administration shifted its approach to repressive regimes. The emerging plan stressed consistent and coordinated messaging about reform and provided recommendations and incentives for liberalizing political and civic life. The self-immolation of a fruit vendor in Ben Arous set off weeks of anti-government demonstrations in Tunisia. Obama’s State of the Union address included a line in support of the Tunisian people and all those who supported democracy. The same day, protests erupted in Egypt. Obama initially encouraged Mubarak to implement reforms, but later urged him to step down. He also made a public statement against Mubarak’s violent response to the protests. Mubarak resigned, despite vowing not to bow to foreign pressure. Protests erupted across the region, including Syria and Bahrain, where protesters faced full-scale military operations. Obama released multiple statements condemning the violence. Turmoil prompted Obama to impose economic sanctions on Libya and support a UN arms embargo. Obama also called on Libya’s ruler, Muammar Gaddafi, to step down. Despite Gaddafi threatening to massacre protesters, however, Obama was reluctant to send in American troops. 

Chapter 26 Summary

Chapter 26 addresses two main issues: the Gaddafi problem and Republican obstructionism. Obama’s goals in Libya were to prevent the massacre of civilians and to give Libyans a chance to craft a new government. To this end, his team drafted a plan allowing the US and its allies to attack Gaddafi’s forces. The US Ambassador to the UN circulated a draft of the resolution among UN Security Council members. Medvedev had reservations, but he did not veto the measure. All the elements of the operation were in place within days, with Europe agreeing to operate under NATO command, and Jordan, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates signing on to the mission. Libyan troops entered Benghazi, prompting Obama to initiate military operations. US and British warships fired Tomahawk missiles and swiftly destroyed Libya’s air defenses. European jets then targeted forces advancing on Benghazi. Gaddafi’s army retreated within days. Despite the success of the mission, the Libyan operation turned into a PR problem for Obama. Putin publicly criticized the resolution, despite Medvedev’s implicit support. Republicans were also critical, calling it too broad, saying it came too late, and casting doubt on its legality.

Now in control of Congress, Republicans vowed to curb government spending, endangering Obama’s plans for economic recovery. They also threatened not to increase the statutory debt limit, which would result in the US defaulting on its debt for the first time in history. In the midst of these attempts to sabotage his presidency, Donald Trump began promoting the birther conspiracy, helping it gain new traction. Determined not to shine a bigger spotlight on the issue, the White House remained silent. However, polls showed that 40 percent of Republicans believed Trump’s lies.

Chapter 27 Summary

Chapter 27 describes the killing of Osama bin Laden, the mastermind of 9/11. Obama committed to bringing bin Laden to justice during his 2002 Senate race and reiterated his promise during his presidential campaign. Shortly after taking office, he announced to senior advisors that finding bin Laden was a top priority. His reasoning was threefold: First, bin Laden was a source of pain for those who lost loved ones on 9/11. Second, he was al-Qaeda’s most effective recruiter. Third, eliminating bin Laden would reorient the nation’s counterterrorism strategy. Obama wanted to focus on the terrorists responsible for 9/11, rather that continuing Bush’s open-ended War on Terror. The first lead came a day before the ninth anniversary of 9/11. The CIA identified a large compound in an affluent neighborhood in Abbottabad, Pakistan, as bin Laden’s possible hideout. One of the residents, a tall man nicknamed the Pacer, never left the compound. Unwilling to alert Pakistan, Obama had two options: an air raid or a special ops mission. He chose the latter. The CIA built a three-dimensional replica of the compound, allowing the SEAL team to conduct dress rehearsals of the raid.

Obama addressed the birther conspiracy in the midst of raid preparations, releasing his longform birth certificate and taking the press to task for perpetuating lies. The next day, he conducted a final review of his options for the compound. The Pacer’s identity remained uncertain. Clinton argued in favor of moving forward, while Biden and Gates recommended against it. Obama gave the go-ahead the following day. With the operation out of his hands, he traveled to Alabama to survey the damage from a tornado, to Cape Canaveral for the final launch of the Space Shuttle Endeavor, and to Miami Dade College to give a commencement speech. The next day, he attended the White House Correspondents’ Dinner and poked fun at Trump, who was in attendance. The following morning, on May 2, 2011, a SEAL team initiated Operation Neptune’s Spear. Obama and his advisors assembled in the Situation Room to watch the operation unfold. After a long period of silence, they heard the words “Geronimo ID’d” and “Geronimo EKIA” (enemy killed in action). Nearly ten years after orchestrating the 9/11 attacks, Bin Laden was finally dead. 

Part 7, Chapters 25-27 Analysis

Part 7, “On the High Wire,” is the final section of the first volume of Obama’s memoir about his presidency, and it focuses on counterterrorism. Historical context plays a critical role in this part, as it did in previous sections. For example, in Chapter 25, Obama provides a brief history of US involvement in the Arab-Israel conflict to contextualizes his efforts to broker a peace deal between Israel and Palestine. Virtually every US president grappled with the Arab-Israel conflict since Truman formally recognized Israel as a sovereign state on 14 May 1948. In 1978, for instance, Jimmy Carter brokered a lasting peace between Israel and Egypt, resulting in Nobel Peace Prizes for Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat. Similarly, Clinton facilitated the signing of the first Oslo Accord (Oslo I) on 13 September 1993. The agreement between Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat, then chairman of the Palestinian National Authority (PLO), recognized the PLO as the rightful representative of the Palestinian people, giving it limited, but meaningful control over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In return, the PLO recognized Israel’s right to exist. Oslo I also provided the framework for a future autonomous Palestinian state. The possibility of an independent Palestine faded during Netanyahu’s first term as prime minister. Hard-line organizations, such as Hamas, further undermined the peace process. Violence became endemic. The Bush administration backed away from the conflict to focus on Iraq and Afghanistan. The settler population had ballooned by the time Obama took office, making peace more remote than ever before. Despite his Cairo speech, which rejected the legitimacy of Israeli settlements, and concerted efforts to facilitate talks, Obama failed to broker peace between Israel and Palestine.

Context plays an equally important role in Chapter 27, which describes the hunt for bin Laden. Bin Laden’s exact whereabouts were unknown since December 2001, when he narrowly missed being captured by American and allied forces in the border region of Tora Bora. The Bush administration continued the search in earnest for several years, but the trail eventually went cold. Although bin Laden evaded capture, he remained a threat to Americans at home and abroad. Over the years, he released audio and video messages to rally supporters and recruit new jihadists. By the time Obama took office, al-Qaeda was more dangerous than it had been for years, with warnings about terrorist plots stemming from Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) regularly appearing in his morning briefings. The fact that bin Laden evaded the US for so long, combined with the death and trauma he wrought on the country, explains why Obama pursued the CIA’s lead and ordered the raid on the Abbottabad compound.

Obama’s detailed account of the hunt and raid conveys the complexity of the operation. Approximately nine months passed between the first lead on bin Laden and the raid. During this period, intelligence revealed details about the Abbottabad compound and its occupants. The compound was larger and more secure than any others in the area, lacked a landline and internet, and had been purchased by a courier the CIA was tracking under an assumed name. In addition, the number of children living there matched the number of bin Laden’s children, and the occupants actively concealed their identities. The need for secrecy made the operation all the more challenging, as did the decision not to involve the Pakistanis: “It was an open secret that certain elements inside the country’s military, and especially its intelligence services, maintained links to the Taliban and perhaps even al-Qaeda” (679). Pakistanis are known to use members of al-Qaeda as assets against the government of Afghanistan, namely, to prevent the Afghanis from aligning themselves with Pakistan’s main rival, India. This helps explain why bin Laden was able to live undisturbed within Pakistan’s borders for so many years.

Killing bin Laden had an unexpected effect: it momentarily unified Democrats and Republicans. Obstruction from congressional Republicans plagued Obama’s presidency. The rightwing media and GOP supporters opposed and critiqued every decision he made. Even Democrats were critical of some of his policy decisions. The killing of bin Laden, however, was something everyone supported. “For the first and only time in my presidency, we didn’t have to sell what we’d done. We didn’t have to fend off Republican attacks or answer accusations from key constituencies that we’d compromised some core principle,” Obama writes (698).

Obama’s discussion of what went on behind the scenes during his presidency is among the most informative aspects of his memoir. For example, he contacted Bush almost immediately after Operation Neptune’s Spear to acknowledge Bush’s role in initiating the hunt for bin Laden in 2001. He also contacted Prime Minister David Cameron because the British had been stalwart allies since the beginning of the Afghan war. To Obama’s surprise, the call to the president of Pakistan, whose borders the SEAL team breeched, was more than cordial: “I expected my most difficult call to be with Pakistan’s beleaguered president, Asif Ali Zardari, who would surely face a backlash at home over our violation of Pakistani sovereignty. When I reached him, however, he expressed congratulations and support” (696). Obama also discusses his memories of 9/11 and the impact the attacks had on his life:

It brought back my own memories of that day. Michelle having just taken Malia to her first day of preschool; me standing outside the State of Illinois Building in downtown Chicago, feeling overwhelmed and uncertain after assuring Michelle over the phone that she and the girls would be okay; three-month-old Sasha sleeping on my chest later that night as I sat in the dark watching the news reports and trying to contact friends in New York (697).

While the country celebrated the death of bin Laden, Obama knew the threat from al-Qaeda was far from over. And although he derived satisfaction from the success of the operation, his thoughts drifted to members of the armed forces who made the ultimate sacrifice in the War on Terror. Obama also worried about the nation’s growing divisions, wondering if defeating external enemies was the only way to create a sense of common purpose. He met with the SEAL team and pilots responsible for the Abbottabad raid and proudly presented them with them with the Presidential Unit Citation, the highest award for a military unit. He boarded Marine One that evening anxious to get home to his family. 

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